MAIN DATES IN THE LIFE AND ACTIVITY OF COUNT NIKOLAI PETROVICH RUMYANTSEV 1754, April 3 - born in the family of Field Marshal P.A. Rumyantsev-Zadunaisky and Countess E.M. Rumyantseva (nee Golitsyna). Received a good education at home under the supervision of his mother, who hired the best

MAIN DATES IN THE LIFE OF EMPEROR NICHOLAS II AND THE IMPORTANT EVENTS OF THE REIGN 1868, May 6 (18). Grand Duke Nikolai Alexandrovich was born on May 20 (June 2). Baptism of Nikolai Alexandrovich. 1875, December 6. Received the rank of ensign. 1880, May 6. Received the rank of second lieutenant. 1881, March 1. The highest

Nicholas 2 Alexandrovich (May 6, 1868 - July 17, 1918) - the last Russian emperor, who reigned from 1894 to 1917, the eldest son of Alexander 3 and Maria Feodorovna, was an honorary member of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences. In the Soviet historiographical tradition, he was given the epithet “Bloody.” The life of Nicholas 2 and his reign are described in this article.

Briefly about the reign of Nicholas 2

During the years there was active economic development in Russia. Under this sovereign, the country lost in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905, which was one of the reasons for the revolutionary events of 1905-1907, in particular the adoption of the Manifesto on October 17, 1905, according to which the creation of various political parties was allowed, and the formation of State Duma. According to the same manifesto, the agrarian economy began to be implemented. In 1907, Russia became a member of the Entente and, as part of it, participated in the First World War. In August 1915, Nicholas II Romanov became Supreme Commander-in-Chief. On March 2, 1917, the sovereign abdicated the throne. He and his entire family were shot. The Russian Orthodox Church canonized them in 2000.

Childhood, early years

When Nikolai Alexandrovich turned 8 years old, his home education began. The program included a general education course lasting eight years. And then - a course of higher sciences lasting five years. It was based on the classical gymnasium program. But instead of Greek and Latin, the future king mastered botany, mineralogy, anatomy, zoology and physiology. The courses in Russian literature, history and foreign languages ​​were expanded. In addition, the higher education program included the study of law, political economy and military affairs (strategy, jurisprudence, General Staff service, geography). Nicholas 2 was also involved in fencing, vaulting, music, and drawing. Alexander 3 and his wife Maria Fedorovna themselves chose mentors and teachers for the future tsar. Among them were military and statesmen, scientists: N. K. Bunge, K. P. Pobedonostsev, N. N. Obruchev, M. I. Dragomirov, N. K. Girs, A. R. Drenteln.

Start of a career

From childhood, the future Emperor Nicholas 2 was interested in military affairs: he perfectly knew the traditions of the officer environment, the soldier did not shy away, recognizing himself as their mentor-patron, and easily endured the inconveniences of army life at camp maneuvers and training camps.

Immediately after the birth of the future sovereign, he was enrolled in several guards regiments and made commander of the 65th Moscow Infantry Regiment. At the age of five, Nicholas 2 (date of reign - 1894-1917) was appointed commander of the Life Guards of the Reserve Infantry Regiment, and a little later, in 1875, of the Erivan Regiment. The future sovereign received his first military rank (ensign) in December 1875, and in 1880 he was promoted to second lieutenant, and four years later to lieutenant.

Nicholas 2 entered active military service in 1884, and starting in July 1887 he served and reached the rank of staff captain. He became a captain in 1891, and a year later - a colonel.

Beginning of reign

After a long illness, Alexander 1 died, and Nicholas 2 took over the reign of Moscow on the same day, at the age of 26, on October 20, 1894.

During his solemn official coronation on May 18, 1896, dramatic events took place on the Khodynskoye field. Mass riots occurred, thousands of people died and were injured in a spontaneous stampede.

Khodynskoye Field was not previously intended for public festivities, since it was a training base for troops, and therefore it was not well-equipped. There was a ravine right next to the field, and the field itself was covered with numerous holes. On the occasion of the celebration, the pits and ravine were covered with boards and filled with sand, and benches, booths, and stalls were set up around the perimeter for the distribution of free vodka and food. When people, attracted by rumors about the distribution of money and gifts, rushed to the buildings, the flooring covering the pits collapsed, and people fell, not having time to get to their feet: a crowd was already running along them. The police, swept away by the wave, could do nothing. Only after reinforcements arrived did the crowd gradually disperse, leaving mutilated and trampled bodies in the square.

The first years of the reign

In the first years of the reign of Nicholas 2, a general census of the country's population and monetary reform were carried out. During the reign of this monarch, Russia became an agrarian-industrial state: railways were built, cities grew, and industrial enterprises arose. The sovereign made decisions aimed at the social and economic modernization of Russia: the gold circulation of the ruble was introduced, several laws on workers' insurance were implemented, Stolypin's agrarian reform was implemented, laws on religious tolerance and universal primary education were adopted.

Main events

The years of the reign of Nicholas 2 were marked by a strong aggravation in the internal political life of Russia, as well as a difficult foreign policy situation (the events of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905, the Revolution of 1905-1907 in our country, the First World War, and in 1917 - the February Revolution) .

The Russo-Japanese War, which began in 1904, although it did not cause much damage to the country, nevertheless significantly undermined the authority of the sovereign. After numerous setbacks and losses in 1905, the Battle of Tsushima ended in a devastating defeat for the Russian fleet.

Revolution 1905-1907

On January 9, 1905, the revolution began, this date is called Bloody Sunday. Government troops shot at a demonstration of workers, organized, as is commonly believed, by Georgy in the transit prison in St. Petersburg. As a result of the shootings, more than a thousand demonstrators who participated in a peaceful march to the Winter Palace in order to submit a petition to the sovereign about the needs of the workers died.

After this uprising spread to many other Russian cities. There were armed actions in the navy and army. So, on June 14, 1905, the sailors captured the battleship Potemkin and brought it to Odessa, where at that time there was a general strike. However, the sailors did not dare to go ashore to support the workers. "Potemkin" headed to Romania and surrendered to the authorities. Numerous speeches forced the Tsar to sign the Manifesto on October 17, 1905, which granted civil liberties to the residents.

Not being a reformer by nature, the tsar was forced to implement reforms that did not correspond to his beliefs. He believed that in Russia the time had not yet come for freedom of speech, a constitution, or universal suffrage. However, Nicholas 2 (whose photo is presented in the article) was forced to sign the Manifesto on October 17, 1905, as an active social movement for political reforms began.

Establishment of the State Duma

The Tsar's manifesto of 1906 established the State Duma. In the history of Russia, for the first time, the emperor began to rule with a representative elected body from the population. That is, Russia is gradually becoming a constitutional monarchy. However, despite these changes, the emperor during the reign of Nicholas 2 still had enormous powers: he issued laws in the form of decrees, appointed ministers and a prime minister accountable only to him, was the head of the court, the army and the patron of the Church, determined foreign policy course of our country.

The first revolution of 1905-1907 showed the deep crisis that existed at that time in the Russian state.

Personality of Nicholas 2

From the point of view of his contemporaries, his personality, main character traits, advantages and disadvantages were very ambiguous and sometimes caused conflicting assessments. According to many of them, Nicholas 2 was characterized by such an important trait as weakness of will. However, there is plenty of evidence that the sovereign persistently strove to implement his ideas and initiatives, sometimes reaching the point of stubbornness (only once, when signing the Manifesto on October 17, 1905, was he forced to submit to someone else’s will).

In contrast to his father, Alexander 3, Nikolai 2 (see his photo below) did not create the impression of a strong personality. However, according to people close to him, he had exceptional self-control, which was sometimes interpreted as indifference to the fate of people and the country (for example, with composure that amazed those around the sovereign, he met the news of the fall of Port Arthur and the defeat of the Russian army in the First World War war).

When engaged in state affairs, Tsar Nicholas 2 showed “extraordinary perseverance,” as well as attentiveness and accuracy (for example, he never had a personal secretary, and he put all the seals on letters with his own hand). Although, in general, managing a huge power was still a “heavy burden” for him. According to contemporaries, Tsar Nicholas 2 had a tenacious memory, observation skills, and was an affable, modest and sensitive person in communication. Most of all, he valued his habits, peace, health, and especially the well-being of his own family.

Nicholas 2 and his family

His family served as support for the sovereign. Alexandra Feodorovna was not just a wife for him, but also an adviser and friend. Their wedding took place on November 14, 1894. The interests, ideas and habits of the spouses often did not coincide, largely due to cultural differences, because the empress was a German princess. However, this did not interfere with family harmony. The couple had five children: Olga, Tatyana, Maria, Anastasia and Alexey.

The drama of the royal family was caused by the illness of Alexei, who suffered from hemophilia (incoagulability of blood). It was this disease that caused the appearance of Grigory Rasputin, famous for his gift of healing and foresight, in the royal house. He often helped Alexey cope with attacks of the disease.

First World War

The year 1914 became a turning point in the fate of Nicholas 2. It was at this time that the First World War began. The Emperor did not want this war, trying until the very last moment to avoid a bloodbath. But on July 19 (August 1), 1914, Germany nevertheless decided to start a war with Russia.

In August 1915, marked by a series of military failures, Nicholas 2, whose reign was already drawing to a close, took on the role of commander-in-chief of the Russian army. Previously, it was assigned to Prince Nikolai Nikolaevich (the Younger). From then on, the sovereign only occasionally came to the capital, spending most of his time in Mogilev, at the headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief.

The First World War intensified Russia's internal problems. The tsar and his entourage began to be considered the main culprit for the defeats and the protracted campaign. There was an opinion that “treason is nesting” in the Russian government. At the beginning of 1917, the country's military command, led by the emperor, created a plan for a general offensive, according to which it was planned to end the confrontation by the summer of 1917.

Abdication of Nicholas 2

However, at the end of February of the same year, unrest began in Petrograd, which, due to the lack of strong opposition from the authorities, grew a few days later into mass political protests against the Tsar’s dynasty and the government. At first, Nicholas 2 planned to use force to achieve order in the capital, but, having realized the true scale of the protests, he abandoned this plan, fearing even more bloodshed that it could cause. Some of the high-ranking officials, politicians and members of the sovereign's retinue convinced him that in order to suppress the unrest, a change in government was necessary, the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne.

After painful thoughts, on March 2, 1917 in Pskov, during a trip on the imperial train, Nicholas 2 decided to sign an act of abdication of the throne, transferring the rule to his brother, Prince Mikhail Alexandrovich. However, he refused to accept the crown. The abdication of Nicholas 2, thus, meant the end of the dynasty.

Last months of life

Nicholas 2 and his family were arrested on March 9 of the same year. At first, for five months they were in Tsarskoe Selo, under guard, and in August 1917 they were sent to Tobolsk. Then, in April 1918, the Bolsheviks transported Nicholas and his family to Yekaterinburg. Here, on the night of July 17, 1918, in the center of the city, in the basement in which the prisoners were imprisoned, Emperor Nicholas 2, his five children, his wife, as well as several of the tsar’s close associates, including family doctor Botkin and servants, without any trial and the investigations were shot. In total, eleven people were killed.

In 2000, by decision of the Church, Nicholas 2 Romanov, as well as his entire family, were canonized, and an Orthodox church was erected on the site of Ipatiev’s house.

Nicholas II (Nikolai Alexandrovich Romanov), eldest son of Emperor Alexander III and Empress Maria Feodorovna, was born May 18 (May 6, old style) 1868 in Tsarskoe Selo (now the city of Pushkin, Pushkin district of St. Petersburg).

Immediately after his birth, Nikolai was included in the lists of several guards regiments and appointed chief of the 65th Moscow Infantry Regiment. The future tsar spent his childhood within the walls of the Gatchina Palace. Nikolai began regular homework at the age of eight.

In December 1875 He received his first military rank - ensign, in 1880 he was promoted to second lieutenant, and four years later he became a lieutenant. In 1884 Nikolai entered active military service, in July 1887 year began regular military service in the Preobrazhensky Regiment and was promoted to staff captain; in 1891 Nikolai received the rank of captain, and a year later - colonel.

To get acquainted with government affairs since May 1889 he began to attend meetings of the State Council and the Committee of Ministers. IN October 1890 year went on a trip to the Far East. In nine months, Nikolai visited Greece, Egypt, India, China, and Japan.

IN April 1894 The engagement of the future emperor to Princess Alice of Darmstadt-Hesse, daughter of the Grand Duke of Hesse, granddaughter of Queen Victoria of England, took place. After converting to Orthodoxy, she took the name Alexandra Feodorovna.

November 2 (October 21, old style) 1894 Alexander III died. A few hours before his death, the dying emperor obliged his son to sign the Manifesto on his accession to the throne.

The coronation of Nicholas II took place May 26 (14 old style) 1896. On the thirtieth (18 old style) May 1896, during the celebration of the coronation of Nicholas II in Moscow, a stampede occurred on Khodynka Field in which more than a thousand people died.

The reign of Nicholas II took place in an atmosphere of growing revolutionary movement and complicating foreign policy situation (Russian-Japanese War of 1904-1905; Bloody Sunday; revolution of 1905-1907; World War I; February Revolution of 1917).

Influenced by a strong social movement in favor of political change, October 30 (17 old style) 1905 Nicholas II signed the famous manifesto “On the Improvement of State Order”: the people were granted freedom of speech, press, personality, conscience, meetings, and unions; The State Duma was created as a legislative body.

The turning point in the fate of Nicholas II was 1914- Beginning of the First World War. August 1 (July 19, old style) 1914 Germany declared war on Russia. IN August 1915 year, Nicholas II assumed military command (previously, this position was held by Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich). Afterwards, the tsar spent most of his time at the headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief in Mogilev.

At the end of February 1917 Unrest began in Petrograd, which grew into mass protests against the government and the dynasty. The February Revolution found Nicholas II at headquarters in Mogilev. Having received news of the uprising in Petrograd, he decided not to make concessions and to restore order in the city by force, but when the scale of the unrest became clear, he abandoned this idea, fearing much bloodshed.

At midnight March 15 (2 old style) 1917 In the salon carriage of the imperial train, which stood on the tracks at the Pskov railway station, Nicholas II signed an act of abdication, transferring power to his brother Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, who did not accept the crown.

March 20 (7 old style) 1917 The Provisional Government issued an order for the arrest of the Tsar. On the twenty-second (9th old style) March 1917, Nicholas II and his family were arrested. For the first five months they were under guard in Tsarskoe Selo, in August 1917 they were transported to Tobolsk, where the Romanovs spent eight months.

At the beginning 1918 The Bolsheviks forced Nicholas to remove his colonel's shoulder straps (his last military rank), which he perceived as a grave insult. In May of this year, the royal family was transported to Yekaterinburg, where they were placed in the house of mining engineer Nikolai Ipatiev.

On the night of July 17 (4 old) 1918 and Nicholas II, Tsarina, their five children: daughters - Olga (1895), Tatiana (1897), Maria (1899) and Anastasia (1901), son - Tsarevich, heir to the throne Alexei (1904) and several close associates (11 people in total) , . The shooting took place in a small room on the ground floor of the house; the victims were taken there under the pretext of evacuation. The Tsar himself was shot at point-blank range by the commandant of the Ipatiev House, Yankel Yurovsky. The bodies of the dead were taken outside the city, doused with kerosene, they tried to burn them, and then buried them.

At the beginning of 1991 The first application was submitted to the city prosecutor's office about the discovery of bodies near Yekaterinburg that showed signs of violent death. After many years of research into the remains discovered near Yekaterinburg, a special commission came to the conclusion that they are indeed the remains of nine Nicholas II and his family. In 1997 They were solemnly buried in the Peter and Paul Cathedral in St. Petersburg.

In 2000 Nicholas II and members of his family were canonized by the Russian Orthodox Church.

On October 1, 2008, the Presidium of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation recognized the last Russian Tsar Nicholas II and members of his family as victims of illegal political repression and rehabilitated them.

Years of life : May 6 1868 - July 17, 1918 .

Life highlights

His reign coincided with the rapid industrial and economic development of the country. Under Nicholas II, Russia was defeated in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905, which was one of the reasons for the Revolution of 1905-1907, during which the Manifesto of October 17, 1905 was adopted, which allowed the creation of political parties and established the State Duma; The Stolypin agrarian reform began to be implemented.
In 1907, Russia became a member of the Entente, as part of which it entered the First World War. Since August 1915, Supreme Commander-in-Chief. During the February Revolution of 1917, on March 2 (15), he abdicated the throne.
Shot along with his family in Yekaterinburg.

Upbringing and education

The upbringing and education of Nicholas II took place under the personal guidance of his father on a traditional religious basis. The educators of the future emperor and his younger brother George received the following instructions: “Neither I nor Maria Fedorovna want to turn them into hothouse flowers. They must pray well to God, study, play, be naughty in moderation. Teach well, don’t let them down, ask for help.” all the strictness of the laws, do not encourage laziness in particular. If anything, then contact me directly, and I know what to do. I repeat that I don’t need porcelain. I need normal Russian children. They will fight, please. But the informer is the first whip. . This is my very first requirement."

The future emperor's studies were conducted according to a carefully developed program for thirteen years. The first 8 years were devoted to the subjects of the gymnasium course. Particular attention was paid to the study of political history, Russian literature, French, German and English, which Nikolai Alexandrovich mastered to perfection. The next five years were devoted to the study of military affairs, legal and economic sciences necessary for a statesman. The teaching of these sciences was carried out by outstanding Russian academic scientists with a worldwide reputation: N.N. Beketov, N.N. Obruchev, Ts.A. Cui, M.I. Dragomirov, N.H. Bunge. etc.

In order for the future emperor to become familiar with military life and the order of combat service in practice, his father sent him to military training. For the first 2 years, Nikolai served as a junior officer in the ranks of the Preobrazhensky Regiment. For two summer seasons he served in the ranks of a cavalry hussar regiment as a squadron commander, and finally in the ranks of the artillery. At the same time, his father introduces him to the affairs of governing the country, inviting him to participate in meetings of the State Council and the Cabinet of Ministers.

The education program of the future emperor included numerous trips to various provinces of Russia, which he made together with his father. To complete his education, his father gave him a cruiser to travel to the Far East. In 9 months, he and his retinue visited Greece, Egypt, India, China, Japan and then returned to the capital of Russia by land through all of Siberia. By the age of 23, Nikolai Romanov is a highly educated young man with a broad outlook, an excellent knowledge of history and literature and a perfect command of the main European languages. His brilliant education was combined with deep religiosity and knowledge of spiritual literature, which was rare for statesmen of that time. His father managed to instill in him selfless love for Russia, a sense of responsibility for its fate. Since childhood, the idea became close to him that his main purpose was to follow Russian principles, traditions and ideals.

The model of a ruler for Nicholas II was Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich (father of Peter I), who carefully preserved the traditions of antiquity and autocracy as the basis of the power and well-being of Russia.

In one of his first public speeches he declared:
“Let everyone know that, devoting all my strength to the good of the people, I will protect the principles of autocracy as firmly and unswervingly as my late, unforgettable parent guarded it.”
It wasn't just words. Nicholas II defended the “beginnings of autocracy” firmly and unswervingly: he did not give up a single significant position during the years of his reign until his abdication from the throne in 1917, which was tragic for the fate of Russia. But these events are yet to come.

Development of Russia

The reign of Nicholas II was a period of the highest rates of economic growth in Russian history. For 1880-1910 The growth rate of Russian industrial output exceeded 9% per year. According to this indicator, Russia has taken first place in the world, ahead of even the rapidly developing United States of America. Russia has taken first place in the world in the production of the main agricultural crops, growing more than half of the world's rye, more than a quarter of wheat, oats and barley, and more than a third of potatoes. Russia has become the main exporter of agricultural products, the first “granary of Europe”. Its share accounted for 2/5 of all world exports of peasant products.

Successes in agricultural production were the result of historical events: the abolition of serfdom in 1861 by Alexander II and the Stolypin land reform during the reign of Nicholas II, as a result of which more than 80% of arable land ended up in the hands of peasants, and almost all of it in the Asian part. The area of ​​landowners' lands was steadily declining. Granting peasants the right to freely dispose of their land and the abolition of communities had enormous national significance, the benefits of which, first of all, the peasants themselves were aware of.

The autocratic form of government did not impede Russia's economic progress. According to the manifesto of October 17, 1905, the population of Russia received the right to personal integrity, freedom of speech, press, assembly, and unions. Political parties grew in the country, and thousands of periodicals were published. The Parliament - the State Duma - was elected by free will. Russia was becoming a rule of law state - the judiciary was practically separated from the executive.

The rapid development of the level of industrial and agricultural production and a positive trade balance allowed Russia to have a stable gold convertible currency. The Emperor attached great importance to the development of railways. Even in his youth, he participated in the laying of the famous Siberian road.

During the reign of Nicholas II, the best labor legislation for those times was created in Russia, providing for the regulation of working hours, the choice of worker elders, remuneration for industrial accidents, compulsory insurance of workers against illness, disability and old age. The Emperor actively promoted the development of Russian culture, art, science, and reforms of the army and navy.

All these achievements of the economic and social development of Russia are the result of the natural historical process of development of Russia and are objectively related to the 300th anniversary of the reign of the House of Romanov.

Anniversary celebrations for the 300th anniversary of the House of Romanov

The official celebration of the 300th anniversary began with a service in the Kazan Cathedral in St. Petersburg. On the morning of the service, Nevsky Prospekt, along which the royal carriages moved, was jam-packed with an excited crowd. Despite the ranks of soldiers holding back the people, the crowd, frantically shouting greetings, broke through the cordons and surrounded the carriages of the emperor and empress. The cathedral was packed to capacity. In front were members of the imperial family, foreign ambassadors, ministers and Duma deputies. The following days after the service in the Cathedral were filled with official ceremonies. Delegations in national dress arrived from all over the empire to present gifts to the king. In honor of the monarch, his wife and all the great Romanov princes, the nobility of the capital gave a ball to which thousands of guests were invited. The royal couple attended a performance of Glinka's opera "A Life for the Tsar" ("Ivan Susanin"). When their majesties appeared, the entire hall stood up and gave them a passionate ovation.

In May 1913, the royal family went on a pilgrimage to places memorable for the dynasty to trace the path taken by Mikhail Romanov, from his birthplace to the throne. On the Upper Volga they boarded a ship and sailed to the ancient patrimony of the Romanovs - Kostroma, where in March 1913 Mikhail was invited to the throne. Along the way, on the banks, peasants lined up to watch the passage of the small flotilla, some even went into the water to see the king closer.

Grand Duchess Olga Alexandrovna recalled this trip:

“Wherever we passed, everywhere we met such loyal manifestations that seemed to border on frenzy. When our ship sailed along the Volga, we saw crowds of peasants standing chest-deep in the water to catch at least the eye of the tsar. In some cities I I saw artisans and workers falling on their faces to kiss his shadow when he passed. The cheers were deafening!

The culmination of the 300th anniversary celebrations reached Moscow. On a sunny June day, Nicholas II rode into the city on horseback, 20 meters ahead of the Cossack escort. On Red Square, he dismounted, walked with his family across the square and entered through the Kremlin gates into the Assumption Cathedral for the solemn service.

In the royal family, the anniversary again revived faith in the indestructible bond between the king and the people and boundless love for God’s anointed. It would seem that the popular support for the tsarist regime, shown during the anniversary days, should have strengthened the monarchical system. But, in fact, both Russia and Europe were already on the brink of fatal changes. The wheel of history was ready to turn, having accumulated a critical mass. And it turned, releasing the accumulated uncontrollable energy of the masses, which caused an “earthquake”. In five years, three European monarchies collapsed, three emperors either died or fled into exile. The oldest dynasties of the Habsburgs, Hohenzollerns and Romanovs collapsed.

Could Nicholas II, who saw crowds of people full of enthusiasm and worship during the anniversary days, imagine for even a moment what awaited him and his family in 4 years?

Development of the crisis and growth of the revolutionary movement

The reign of Nicholas II coincided with the beginning of the rapid development of capitalism and the simultaneous growth of the revolutionary movement in Russia. In order to preserve autocracy and, most importantly, ensure the further development and prosperity of Russia, the emperor took measures to strengthen the alliance with the emerging bourgeois class and transfer the country to the rails of a bourgeois monarchy while maintaining the political omnipotence of the autocracy: the State Duma was established, agrarian reform was carried out.

The question arises: why, despite the undeniable achievements in the economic development of the country, not reformist, but revolutionary forces prevailed in Russia, leading to the fall of the monarchy? It seems that in such a huge country, the successes achieved as a result of economic reforms could not immediately lead to a real increase in the well-being of all layers of society, especially the poorest. The discontent of the working masses was skillfully picked up and fanned by extremist left parties, which initially led to the revolutionary events of 1905. Crisis phenomena in society began to manifest themselves especially with the outbreak of the First World War. Russia simply did not have enough time to reap the fruits of the economic and social transformations begun along the country's transition to a constitutional monarchy or even a constitutional bourgeois republic.

The deep interpretation of the events of that time given by Winston Churchill is interesting:

"For no country was fate as cruel as for Russia. Her ship sank when the harbor was in sight. She had already endured the storm when everything collapsed. All sacrifices had already been made, all the work was completed. Despair and betrayal took hold power, when the task was already completed, the long retreat was over, weapons were pouring in in a wide stream; a stronger, more numerous, better equipped army was guarding the huge front; Alekseev was in charge of the army and Kolchak was in charge of the fleet. this, no more difficult actions were required: to hold on, without showing much activity, the weakening forces of the enemy on one’s front; in other words, to hold on; that was all that stood between Russia and the fruits of a common victory; the Tsar was on the throne; held, the front was secured and victory was indisputable."

According to the superficial fashion of our time, the tsarist system is usually interpreted as a blind, rotten tyranny, incapable of anything. But an analysis of the thirty months of war with Austria and Germany should correct these facile ideas. We can measure the strength of the Russian Empire by the blows it has survived, by the inexhaustible forces it has developed, and by the restoration of forces of which it has been capable.

In government, when great events happen, the leader of the nation, whoever he may be, is condemned for his failures and glorified for his successes. Why deny Nicholas II this ordeal? The burden of the final decisions lay with him. At the top, where events surpass human understanding, where everything is inscrutable, he had to give answers. He was the compass needle. To fight or not to fight? Advance or retreat? Go right or left? Agree to democratization or stand firm? Leave or stand? Here is the battlefield of Nicholas II. Why not give him honor for this?

The selfless impulse of the Russian armies that saved Paris in 1914; overcoming a painful, shell-free retreat; slow recovery of strength; Brusilov's victories; Russia entering the 1917 campaign invincible, stronger than ever; wasn't he part of all this? Despite the mistakes, the system that he led, to which he gave a vital spark with his personal qualities, by that moment won the war for Russia.

"Now he will be struck down. The Tsar leaves the stage. He and all those who love him are given over to suffering and death. His efforts are downplayed; his memory is defamed. Stop and say: who else turned out to be suitable? In people talented and brave, people ambitious and There was no shortage of those who were proud in spirit, brave and powerful. But no one was able to answer those few questions on which the life and glory of Russia depended. With victory already in hand, she fell to the ground.”

It is difficult to disagree with this deep analysis and assessment of the personality of the Russian Tsar. For more than 70 years, the rule for government historians and writers in our country was a mandatory negative assessment of the personality of Nicholas II. All humiliating characteristics were attributed to him: from treachery, political insignificance and pathological cruelty to alcoholism, debauchery and moral decay. History has put everything in its place. Under the rays of its spotlights, the entire life of Nicholas II and his political opponents is illuminated to the smallest detail. And with this light it became clear who was who.

Illustrating the tsar’s “cunning,” Soviet historians usually cited the example of how Nicholas II removed some of his ministers without any warning. Today he could speak graciously to the minister, and tomorrow send him his resignation. A serious historical analysis shows that the tsar put the cause of the Russian state above individuals (and even his relatives), and if, in his opinion, a minister or dignitary was not coping with the matter, he removed him, regardless of previous merits.

In the last years of his reign, the emperor experienced a crisis of encirclement (lack of reliable, capable people who shared his ideas). A significant part of the most capable statesmen took Westernizing positions, and the people on whom the tsar could rely did not always have the necessary business qualities. Hence the constant change of ministers, which, with the light hand of ill-wishers, was attributed to Rasputin.

The role and significance of Rasputin, the degree of his influence on Nicholas II were artificially inflated by the left, who thus wanted to prove the political insignificance of the tsar. The dirty hints of the leftist press about some special relationship between Rasputin and the Tsarina did not correspond to reality. The affection of the royal couple for Rasputin was associated with the incurable disease of their son and heir to the throne Alexei, hemophilia - the incoagulability of blood, in which any trifling wound could lead to death. Rasputin, possessing a hypnotic gift, through psychological influence was able to quickly stop the blood of the heir, which the best certified doctors could not do. Naturally, his loving parents were grateful to him and tried to keep him close. Today it is already clear that many scandalous episodes associated with Rasputin were fabricated by the leftist press in order to discredit the Tsar.

When accusing the tsar of cruelty and heartlessness, they usually cite the example of Khodynka, January 9, 1905, an execution during the first Russian revolution. However, documents indicate that the tsar had nothing to do with either the Khodynka tragedy or the execution on January 9 (Bloody Sunday). He was horrified when he learned about this disaster. Negligent administrators, through whose fault the events occurred, were removed and punished.

Death sentences under Nicholas II were carried out, as a rule, for an armed attack for power that had a tragic outcome, i.e. for armed banditry. Total for Russia for 1905-1908 There were less than four thousand death sentences in court (including military ones), mostly against terrorist militants. For comparison, the extrajudicial killings of representatives of the old state apparatus, clergy, citizens of noble origin, and dissident intelligentsia in just six months (from the end of 1917 to mid-1918) claimed the lives of tens of thousands of people. From the second half of 1918, the number of executions went up to hundreds of thousands, and subsequently to millions of innocent people.

The alcoholism and debauchery of Nicholas II are as shameless inventions of the left as his deceit and cruelty. Everyone who knew the tsar personally notes that he drank wine rarely and little. Throughout his life, the emperor carried his love for one woman, who became the mother of his five children. It was Alice of Hesse, a German princess. Having seen her once, Nicholas II remembered her for 10 years. And although his parents, for political reasons, predicted the French princess Helen of Orleans as his wife, he managed to defend his love and in the spring of 1894 achieve an engagement to his beloved. Alice of Hesse, who took the name Alexandra Feodorovna in Russia, became the emperor’s lover and friend until the tragic end of their days.

Of course, there is no need to idealize the personality of the last emperor. He, like every person, had both positive and negative traits. But the main accusation that they are trying to bring against him in the name of history is political lack of will, which resulted in the collapse of Russian statehood and the collapse of autocratic power in Russia. Here we must agree with W. Churchill and some other objective historians, who, based on the analysis of historical materials of that time, believe that in Russia at the beginning of February 1917 there was only one truly outstanding statesman who worked for victory in the war and the prosperity of the country - This is Emperor Nicholas II. But he was simply betrayed.

The rest of the political figures thought more not about Russia, but about their personal and group interests, which they tried to pass off as the interests of Russia. At that time, only the idea of ​​a monarchy could save the country from collapse. She was rejected by these politicians, and the fate of the dynasty was sealed.

Contemporaries and historians accusing Nicholas II of political lack of will believe that if another person had been in his place, with a stronger will and character, the history of Russia would have taken a different path. Maybe, but we should not forget that even a monarch of the caliber of Peter I with his superhuman energy and genius in the specific conditions of the early twentieth century would hardly have achieved different results. After all, Peter I lived and acted in conditions of medieval barbarism, and his methods of sovereign governance would not have suited a society with the principles of bourgeois parliamentarism.

The final act of the political drama was approaching. On February 23, 1917, the Sovereign Emperor arrived from Tsarskoe Selo to Mogilev - to the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command. The political situation became increasingly tense, the country was tired of the war, the opposition grew day by day, but Nicholas II continued to hope that despite all this, feelings of patriotism would prevail. He maintained an unshakable faith in the army, he knew that the military equipment sent from France and England arrived in a timely manner and that it improved the conditions in which the army fought. He had high hopes for the new units created in Russia during the winter, and was convinced that the Russian army would be able to join in the spring the great Allied offensive that would deal a fatal blow to Germany and save Russia. A few more weeks and victory will be assured.

But barely had he left the capital when the first signs of unrest began to appear in the working-class neighborhoods of the capital. Factories went on strike, and the movement grew rapidly in the following days. 200 thousand people went on strike. The population of Petrograd was subjected to great hardships during the winter, because... Due to the lack of rolling stock, the transportation of food and fuel was greatly hampered. Crowds of workers demanded bread. The government failed to take measures to calm the unrest and only irritated the population with ridiculous repressive police measures. They resorted to the intervention of military force, but all the regiments were at the front, and only trained reserve units remained in Petrograd, severely corrupted by the propaganda organized by the left parties in the barracks, despite supervision. There were instances of disobedience to orders, and after three days of weak resistance the troops defected to the revolutionaries.

Abdication of the throne. End of the Romanov dynasty

At Headquarters, at first they were not aware of the significance and scale of the events unfolding in Petrograd, although on February 25 the emperor sent a message to the commander of the Petrograd Military District, General S.S. Khabalov, demanding: “I command you to stop the riots in the capital tomorrow.” The troops opened fire on the demonstrators. But it was already too late. On February 27, the city was almost entirely in the hands of the strikers.

February 27, Monday. (Diary of Nicholas II): “Unrest began in Petrograd several days ago; unfortunately, troops began to take part in them. It’s a disgusting feeling to be so far away and receive fragmentary bad news. After lunch, I decided to go to Tsarskoe Selo as quickly as possible and at one in the morning got on the train."

In the Duma, back in August 1915, the so-called Progressive Bloc of Parties was created, which included 236 Duma members out of a total of 442 members. The bloc formulated the conditions for the transition from autocracy to a constitutional monarchy through a “bloodless” parliamentary revolution. Then in 1915, inspired by temporary successes at the front, the tsar rejected the terms of the bloc and closed the meeting of the Duma. By February 1917, the situation in the country had become even more aggravated due to failure at the front, large losses in men and equipment, ministerial leapfrog, etc., which caused widespread discontent with the autocracy in large cities and primarily in Petrograd, as a result of which the Duma was already ready to carry out this “bloodless” parliamentary revolution. Chairman of the Duma M.V. Rodzianko continuously sends alarming messages to Headquarters, presenting, on behalf of the Duma, to the government more and more insistent demands for the reorganization of power. Part of the tsar’s entourage advises him to make concessions by agreeing to the formation by the Duma of a government that will be subordinate not to the tsar, but to the Duma. They will only coordinate ministerial candidates with him. Without waiting for a positive answer, the Duma began to form a Government independent of the tsarist power. This is how the February Revolution of 1917 took place.

On February 28, the tsar sent military units led by General N.I. Ivanov to Petrograd from Mogilev to restore order in the capital. In a night conversation with General Ivanov, exhausted, fighting for the fate of Russia and his family, agitated by the embittered demands of the rebellious Duma, the Tsar expressed his sad and difficult thoughts:

“I was not protecting the autocratic power, but Russia. I am not convinced that a change in the form of government will give peace and happiness to the people.”

This is how the sovereign explained his stubborn refusal to the Duma to create an independent government.

The military units of General Ivanov were detained by revolutionary troops on the way to Petrograd. Not knowing about the failure of General Ivanov’s mission, Nicholas II, on the night of February 28 to March 1, also decides to leave Headquarters for Tsarskoe Selo.

February 28, Tuesday. (Diary of Nicholas II): “I went to bed at three and a quarter o’clock in the morning, because I had a long talk with N.I. Ivanov, whom I am sending to Petrograd with the troops to restore order. We left Mogilev at five o’clock in the morning. The weather was frosty, sunny. During the day we drove through Smolenks, Vyazma, Rzhev, Likhoslavl."

March 1, Wednesday. (Diary of Nicholas II): “At night we turned back from the Malaya Vishchera station, because Lyuban and Tosno were busy. We went to Valdai, Dno and Pskov, where we stopped for the night. I saw General Ruzsky. Gatchina and Luga were also busy. Shame and shame! We didn’t manage to get to Tsarskoye Selo. And my thoughts and feelings are there all the time. How painful it must be for poor Alix to experience all these events alone!

March 2, Thursday. (Diary of Nicholas II): “In the morning Ruzsky came and read his long conversation on the apparatus with Rodzianko. According to him, the situation in Petrograd is such that now the ministry from the Duma seems powerless to do anything, because the social the democratic party represented by the workers' committee. Ruzsky conveyed this conversation to Headquarters, and Alekseev to all the Commanders-in-Chief of the fronts. By two and a half hours, the answer was received from everyone: in the name of saving Russia and keeping the army calm at the front. I need to decide on this step. I agreed. A draft of the Manifesto was sent from Headquarters. In the evening, Guchkov and Shulgin arrived from Petrograd, with whom I spoke and handed over the signed and revised manifesto. At one in the morning I left Pskov with a heavy feeling of betrayal and cowardice all around. , and deception!"

Explanations should be given to the latest entries from the diary of Nicholas II. After the royal train was detained in Malye Vishery, the Tsar ordered to head to Pskov under the protection of the headquarters of the Northern Front. The commander-in-chief of the Northern Front was General N.V. Ruzsky. The general, having talked with Petrograd and Headquarters in Mogilev, suggested that the Tsar try to localize the uprising in Petrograd by agreeing with the Duma and forming a Ministry responsible to the Duma. But the tsar postponed the decision until the morning, still hoping for General Ivanov’s mission. He did not know that the troops had lost control, and three days later he was forced to return to Mogilev.

On the morning of March 2, General Ruzsky reported to Nicholas II that General Ivanov’s mission had failed. Chairman of the State Duma M.V. Rodzianko, through General Ruzsky, stated by telegraph that the preservation of the Romanov dynasty is possible subject to the transfer of the throne to the heir Alexei under the regency of Nicholas II's younger brother, Mikhail.

The Emperor instructed General Ruzsky to request the opinion of the front commanders by telegraph. When asked about the desirability of Nicholas II’s abdication, everyone answered positively (even Nicholas’s uncle, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, commander of the Caucasian Front), with the exception of the commander of the Black Sea Fleet, Admiral A.V. Kolchak, who refused to send a telegram.

The betrayal of the army leadership was a heavy blow for Nicholas II. General Ruzsky told the emperor that he must surrender to the mercy of the winner, because... the high command, standing at the head of the army, is against the emperor, and further struggle will be useless.

The king was faced with a picture of the complete destruction of his power and prestige, his complete isolation, and he lost all confidence in support from the army if its heads went over to the side of the emperor’s enemies in a few days.

The Emperor did not sleep for a long time that night from March 1 to 2. In the morning, he handed over a telegram to General Ruzsky notifying the Chairman of the Duma of his intention to abdicate the throne in favor of his son Alexei. He himself and his family intended to live as a private individual in the Crimea or Yaroslavl province. A few hours later, he ordered Professor S.P. Fedorov to be called into his carriage and told him: “Sergei Petrovich, answer me frankly, is Alexei’s disease incurable?” Professor Fedorov replied: “Sir, science tells us that this disease is incurable.” There are, however, cases when a person obsessed with her reaches a respectful age. But Alexei Nikolaevich, nevertheless, will always depend on any chance. The Emperor said sadly: “That’s exactly what the Empress told me... Well, since this is so, since Alexey cannot be useful to the Motherland, as I would like, then we have the right to keep him with us."

He made the decision, and on the evening of March 2, when the representative of the Provisional Government A.I. Guchkov, the Minister of War and Navy and member of the Duma executive committee V.V. Shulgin arrived from Petrograd, he gave them an act of abdication.

The act of renunciation was printed and signed in 2 copies. The king's signature was made in pencil. The time specified in the Act, 15 hours, corresponded not to the actual signing, but to the time when Nicholas II made the decision to abdicate. After signing the Act, Nicholas II went back to Headquarters to say goodbye to the army.

March 3, Friday. (Diary of Nicholas II): “Slept long and soundly. Woke up far beyond Dvinsk. The day was sunny and frosty. Talked with my people about yesterday. Read a lot about Julius Caesar. At 8.20 arrived in Mogilev. All ranks of the headquarters were on the platform. Accepted Alekseev in the carriage. At 9.30 Alekseev came with the latest news from Rodzianko. It turns out that Misha (the tsar’s younger brother) abdicated in favor of the elections after 6 months of the Constituent Assembly. God knows who convinced him to sign such a nasty thing! “If only this continues.”

So, 300 years and 4 years after the shy sixteen-year-old boy, who reluctantly accepted the throne at the request of the Russian people (Michael I), his 39-year-old descendant, also named Michael II, under pressure from the Provisional Government and the Duma, lost it, having been on the throne for 8 hours from 10 to 18 o'clock on March 3, 1917. The Romanov dynasty ceased to exist. The final act of the drama begins.

Arrest and murder of the royal family

On March 8, 1917, the former emperor, after saying goodbye to the army, decided to leave Mogilev and on March 9 arrived in Tsarskoe Selo. Even before leaving Mogilev, the Duma representative at Headquarters said that the former emperor “must consider himself as if under arrest.”

March 9, 1917, Thursday. (Diary of Nicholas II): “Soon and safely arrived in Tsarskoe Selo - 11.30. But God, what a difference, there are sentries on the street and around the palace, inside the park, and some warrant officers inside the entrance! I went upstairs and there I saw Alix and my dear children She looked cheerful and healthy, and they were still lying sick in the dark room. But everyone was feeling good, except for Maria, who recently started having measles. ! After tea we laid things out."

From March 9 to August 14, 1917, Nikolai Romanov and his family lived under arrest in the Alexander Palace of Tsarskoe Selo.

The revolutionary movement is intensifying in Petrograd, and the Provisional Government, fearing for the lives of the royal prisoners, decides to transfer them deep into Russia. After much debate, Tobolsk is determined to be the city of their settlement. The Romanov family is transported there. They are allowed to take the necessary furniture and personal belongings from the palace, and also offer service personnel, if they wish, to voluntarily accompany them to the place of new accommodation and further service.

On the eve of departure, the head of the Provisional Government, A.F. Kerensky, arrived and brought with him the brother of the former emperor, Mikhail Alexandrovich. The brothers see each other and say for the last time - they will not meet again (Mikhail Alexandrovich will be deported to Perm, where on the night of June 13, 1918 he was killed by local authorities).

On August 14 at 6:10 a.m., a train with members of the imperial family and servants under the sign “Japanese Red Cross Mission” set off from Tsarskoe Selo. The second composition included a guard of 337 soldiers and 7 officers. Trains are running at maximum speed, junction stations are cordoned off by troops, and the public is removed.

On August 17, the trains arrive in Tyumen, and on three ships the arrested are transported to Tobolsk. The Romanov family is accommodated in the governor's house, specially renovated for their arrival. The family was allowed to walk across the street and boulevard to services at the Church of the Annunciation. The security regime here was much lighter than in Tsarskoye Selo. The family leads a calm, measured life.

In April 1918, permission was received from the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the fourth convocation to transfer the Romanovs to Moscow for the purpose of trialing them.

On April 22, 1918, a column of 150 people with machine guns set out from Tobolsk to Tyumen. On April 30, the train from Tyumen arrived in Yekaterinburg. To house the Romanovs, a house belonging to mining engineer N.I. Ipatiev was temporarily requisitioned. Five service personnel lived here with the Romanov family: Doctor Botkin, footman Trupp, room girl Demidova, cook Kharitonov and cook Sednev.

At the beginning of July 1918, the Ural military commissar Isai Goloshchekin (“Philip”) went to Moscow to resolve the issue of the future fate of the royal family. The execution of the entire family was sanctioned by the Council of People's Commissars and the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. In accordance with this decision, the Urals Council, at its meeting on July 12, adopted a resolution on the execution, as well as on the methods of destroying the corpses, and on July 16, transmitted a message about this via direct wire to Petrograd - Zinoviev. At the end of the conversation with Yekaterinburg, Zinoviev sent a telegram to Moscow: “Moscow, Kremel, Sverdlov. Copy to Lenin. From Yekaterinburg the following is transmitted by direct wire: Inform Moscow that we cannot wait for the trial agreed with Philip due to military circumstances. If your opinion is the opposite , immediately, out of turn, report to Ekaterinburg.”

The telegram was received in Moscow on July 16 at 21:22. The phrase “the trial agreed upon with Philip” is, in encrypted form, the decision to execute the Romanovs, which Goloshchekin agreed upon during his stay in the capital. However, the Urals Council asked to once again confirm in writing this previously made decision, citing “military circumstances”, because the fall of Yekaterinburg was expected under the blows of the Czechoslovak Corps and the White Siberian Army.

A reply telegram to Yekaterinburg from Moscow from the Council of People's Commissars and the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, i.e. from Lenin and Sverdlov with the approval of this decision was immediately sent.

L. Trotsky, in his diary dated April 9, 1935, while in France, provided a recording of his conversation with Ya. Sverdlov. When Trotsky found out (he was away) that the royal family had been shot, he asked Sverdlov: “Who decided?” “We decided here,” Sverdlov answered him. Ilyich believed that it was impossible to leave them a living banner, especially in the current difficult conditions.” Further, Trotsky writes: “Some people think that the Ural Executive Committee, cut off from Moscow, acted independently. This is incorrect. The resolution was made in Moscow.”

Was it possible to take the Romanov family out of Yekaterinburg in order to bring it to open trial, as was previously announced? Obviously yes. The city fell 8 days after the execution of the family - sufficient time for evacuation. After all, the members of the Uralsvet presidium and the perpetrators of this terrible action themselves managed to get out of the city safely and reach the location of the Red Army units.

So, on this fateful day, July 16, 1918, the Romanovs and the servants went to bed, as usual, at 10:30 p.m. At 11:30 p.m. Two special representatives from the Urals Council came to the mansion. They presented the decision of the executive committee to the commander of the security detachment, Ermakov, and the commandant of the house, Yurovsky, and proposed to immediately begin to carry out the sentence.

The awakened family members and staff are told that due to the advance of white troops, the mansion may be under fire, and therefore, for safety reasons, they need to move to the basement. Seven family members - Nikolai Alexandrovich, Alexandra Fedorovna, daughters Olga, Tatyana, Maria and Anastasia and son Alexey, three voluntarily remaining servants and a doctor descend from the second floor of the house and move to the corner semi-basement room. After everyone entered and closed the door, Yurovsky stepped forward, took a sheet of paper out of his pocket and said: “Attention! The decision of the Urals Council is being announced...” And as soon as the last words were heard, shots rang out. They shot: a member of the board of the Ural Central Committee - M.A. Medvedev, the commandant of the house L.M. Yurovsky, his assistant G.A. Nikulin, the commander of the guard P.Z. Ermakov and other ordinary soldiers of the guard - Magyars.

8 days after the murder, Yekaterinburg fell under the onslaught of the Whites, and a group of officers broke into Ipatiev’s house. In the yard they found the Tsarevich's hungry spaniel, Joy, wandering in search of his owner. The house was empty, but its appearance was ominous. All rooms were heavily littered, and the stoves in the rooms were filled with ash from burned things. The daughters' room was empty. An empty box of chocolates, a woolen blanket on the window. The camp beds of the grand duchesses were found in the guard rooms. And no jewelry, no clothes in the house. The security "tried" to do this. The most precious things for the family—icons—were scattered around the rooms and in the trash heap where the guards lived. There are also books left. And there were also many bottles of medicine. In the dining room they found a cover from the headboard of one of the princesses. The case had a bloody trace of wiped hands.

In the trash heap they found the St. George's ribbon, which the Tsar wore on his overcoat until his last days. By this time, the old royal servant Chemodurov, released from prison, had already arrived at the Ipatiev House. When Chemodurov saw the image of the Feodorovskaya Mother of God among the holy icons scattered around the house, the old servant turned pale. He knew that his living mistress would never part with this icon.

Only one room of the house was put in order. Everything was washed and cleaned. It was a small room, 30-35 square meters in size, covered with checkered wallpaper, dark; its only window rested on a slope, and the shadow of a high fence lay on the floor. There was a heavy grill on the window. One of the walls, the partition, was dotted with bullet marks. It became clear: they were shooting here.

Along the cornices on the floor there are traces of washed-up blood. There were also many bullet marks on the other walls of the room, the marks fanned out along the walls: apparently, the people who were shot were rushing around the room.

On the floor there are dents from bayonet blows (here, obviously, they were stabbed here) and two bullet holes (they shot at a lying person).

By that time, they had already excavated the garden near the house, examined the pond, dug up mass graves in the cemetery, but could not find any traces of the royal family. They disappeared.

The Supreme Ruler of Russia, Admiral A.V. Kolchak, appointed an investigator for particularly important cases, Nikolai Alekseevich Sokolov, to investigate the case of the royal family. He conducted the investigation passionately and fanatically. Kolchak had already been shot, Soviet power returned to the Urals and Siberia, and Sokolov continued his work. With the investigation materials, he made a dangerous journey through all of Siberia to the Far East, then to America. While in exile in Paris, he continued to take testimony from surviving witnesses. He died of a broken heart in 1924 while continuing his highly professional investigation. It was thanks to the painstaking investigation of N.A. Sokolov that the terrible details of the execution and burial of the royal family became known. Let us return to the events of the night of July 17, 1918.

Yurovsky lined up the arrested in two rows, in the first - the entire royal family, in the second - their servants. The Empress and the Heir were sitting on chairs. The king stood on the right flank in the first row. One of the servants stood at the back of his head. Yurovsky stood face to face in front of the Tsar, holding his right hand in his trouser pocket, and holding a small piece of paper in his left, then he read out the verdict...

Before he had time to finish reading the last words, the king loudly asked him: “What, I didn’t understand?” Yurovsky read it a second time; at the last word, he immediately grabbed a revolver from his pocket and shot point-blank at the Tsar. The king fell backwards. The Tsarina and daughter Olga tried to make the sign of the cross, but did not have time.

Simultaneously with Yurovsky's shot, shots from the firing squad rang out. All the other ten people fell to the floor. Several more shots were fired at those lying down. The smoke obscured the electric light and made breathing difficult. The shooting stopped, the doors of the room were opened so that the smoke dispersed.

They brought a stretcher and began to remove the corpses. The king's corpse was carried out first. The corpses were carried out onto a truck located in the yard. When one of the daughters was placed on a stretcher, she screamed and covered her face with her hand. Others were also alive. It was no longer possible to shoot; with the doors open, shots could be heard on the street. Ermakov took a rifle with a bayonet from a soldier and finished off everyone who was alive. When all those arrested were already lying on the floor, bleeding, the heir was still sitting on the chair. For some reason, he did not fall to the floor for a long time and remained alive... He was shot in the head and chest, and he fell from his chair. The dog that one of the princesses brought with her was shot along with them.

After loading the dead onto the car, at about three o’clock in the morning, we drove to the place that Ermakov was supposed to prepare behind the Verkhne-Isetsky plant. Having passed the factory, we stopped and began to unload the corpses onto carriages, because... It was impossible to drive further by car.

During the overload, it was discovered that Tatyana, Olga, and Anastasia were wearing special corsets. It was decided to strip the corpses naked, but not here, but at the burial site. But it turned out that no one knew where the mine planned for this was.

It was getting light. Yurovsky sent horsemen to look for the mine, but no one found it. After driving a little, we stopped one and a half miles from the village of Koptyaki. In the forest they found a shallow mine with water. Yurovsky ordered the corpses to be undressed. When they undressed one of the princesses, they saw a corset, torn in places by bullets, diamonds were visible in the holes. Everything valuable was collected from the corpses, their clothes were burned, and the corpses themselves were lowered into a mine and thrown with grenades. Having completed the operation and leaving the guard, Yurovsky left with a report to the Urals Executive Committee.

On July 18, Ermakov again arrived at the crime scene. He was lowered into the mine on a rope, and he tied each dead person individually and lifted him up. When they pulled everyone out, they laid out the firewood, doused them with kerosene, and doused the corpses themselves with sulfuric acid.

Already in our time - in recent years, researchers have found the remains of the burial of the royal family and, using modern scientific methods, have confirmed that members of the royal Romanov family are buried in the Koptyakovsky forest.

On the day of the execution of the royal family, July 17, 1918. A telegram was sent from the Uralsovet to Moscow to Sverdlov, which spoke of the execution of “former Tsar Nikolai Romanov, guilty of countless bloody violence against the Russian people, and the family was evacuated to a safe place.” The same was reported on July 21 in a notice from the Urals Council to Yekaterinburg.

However, on the evening of July 17 at 21:15. An encrypted telegram was sent from Yekaterinburg to Moscow: “Secret. Council of People’s Commissars. Gorbunov. Inform Sverdlov that the whole family suffered the same fate as its head. Officially, the family will die during the evacuation. Beloborodov. Chairman of the Urals Council.”

On July 17, the day after the assassination of the Tsar, other members of the House of Romanov were also brutally killed in Alapaevsk: Grand Duchess Elizabeth (sister of Alexandra Feodorovna), Grand Duke Sergei Mikhailovich, three sons of Grand Duke Constantine, son of Grand Duke Paul. In January 1919, four Grand Dukes, including Paul, the Tsar's uncle, and Nikolai Mikhailovich, a liberal historian, were executed in the Peter and Paul Fortress.

Thus, Lenin dealt with extraordinary cruelty to all members of the House of Romanov who remained in Russia for patriotic reasons.

On September 20, 1990, the City Council of Yekaterinburg decided to allocate the site on which Ipatiev’s demolished house stood to the Yekaterinburg Diocese. A temple will be built here in memory of the innocent victims.

Chronos / www.hrono.ru / FROM ANCIENT Rus' TO THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE / Nicholas II Alexandrovich.