Populists of the 19th century the main idea. Populism is a revolutionary ideology. Renewal of “circle-ism.” Neo-populism

The accession to the throne of Alexander II, the weakening of censorship, some liberalization of the government policy compared to Nicholas's time, rumors about upcoming transformations and, first of all, the preparation for the abolition of serfdom - all this had an exciting effect on Russian society, especially on young people.

From nihilism to populism

At the end of the 50s. Nihilism spreads among democratic noble and common youth. Rejecting noble prejudices and official ideology, denying generally accepted values (ideals, moral standards, culture), nihilists studied natural sciences so that, having become a doctor, agronomist, engineer, I can bring concrete benefits to people. The type of nihilist was captured by I. Turgenev in the image of Bazarov (novel “Fathers and Sons”).

Student unrest in the early 1960s, caused by rising tuition fees and the banning of student organizations, led to mass expulsions from universities. Those expelled were usually sent under police supervision. At this time, in the minds of youth opposed to the government, widespread the idea of “repaying the debt to the people.” Boys and girls left the cities and rushed to the countryside. There they became rural teachers, doctors, paramedics, and volost clerks.

At the same time, young people tried to conduct propaganda work among the peasants. But, having heard about the revolution or socialism, they often handed over the “troublemakers” to the local authorities.

The essence of populism

In the first half of the 70s. Populism developed into a powerful movement with its own ideology. Its founders were A. Herzen and N. Chernyshevsky. It was they who formulated the basic theoretical principles of populism. The populists believed that in Russia the main social force is not the proletariat, as in the West, but the peasantry. The Russian peasant community is a ready-made embryo of socialism. Therefore, Russia can directly transition to socialism, bypassing capitalism.

There were three main trends in revolutionary populism: rebellious, propaganda and conspiratorial. The theoretician of the rebellious direction was Mikhail Bakunin, the propagandist one - Pyotr Lavrov, the conspiratorial one - Pyotr Tkachev. They developed ideas for the social reconstruction of Russia and the tactics of the revolutionary struggle of each of these directions.

Mikhail Aleksandrovich Bakunin, revolutionary, anarchist theorist, one of the ideologists of revolutionary populism

Petr Lavrovich Lavrov, philosopher, sociologist and publicist. He made a great contribution to the ideology of revolutionary populism. Participant of the liberation movement of the 60s.

Pyotr Nikitich Tkachev, publicist, one of the creators of the ideology of revolutionary populism. Participant of the revolutionary movement of the 60s.

M. Bakunin believed that the Russian peasant is a “revolutionary by instinct” and a “born socialist.” Therefore, the main goal of revolutionaries is to “revolt” the people. In the second half of the 70s. Bakunin's ideas were developed in the works of P. Kropotkin, who argued that revolution requires serious preparation both revolutionaries and people.

In this, P. Lavrov agreed with him, who believed that neither the people nor the intelligentsia were ready for an immediate revolution. This requires long-term preparatory work to educate the people. Lavrov combined his belief in the special role of the intelligentsia with his belief in the possibility of a peasant “socialist revolution.”

P. Tkachev did not believe in the revolutionary spirit of the people, in their ability to carry out a social revolution. He argued that the main thing was to seize political power. To do this, it is necessary to create a conspiratorial political organization of revolutionaries and begin a fight against the government in order to seize the system of government. Only after the seizure of power should we move on to social reforms.

Despite the difference in the proposed forms of struggle, all these directions were united by the recognition of the revolution as the only way to liberate the people.

Until the end of the 70s. Bakunin's supporters concentrated all their efforts on preparing a peasant revolution. The mass “going to the people” undertaken in the spring of 1874, in which up to 3 thousand people participated, ended in failure. It was not possible to raise an uprising anywhere, and the preaching of socialist ideas was not successful. The police staged a real “hunt” for the propagandists. In 37 provinces, 770 people were arrested and brought into question.

Land and freedom

The failure did not cool the populists. In 1876, they created the secret revolutionary organization “Land and Freedom,” which was distinguished by cohesion, discipline and reliable secrecy. Members of the organization promoted socialist ideas among workers and intellectuals, as well as among peasants, settling in villages for long periods of time. But the peasants remained deaf to populist propaganda. This caused disappointment to the “propagandists.” By the autumn of 1877, there were almost no populist settlements left in the villages. A serious crisis was brewing in “Land and Freedom”. The failure of propaganda among the peasant masses and the repression of the authorities pushed the most active and impatient populists to a terrorist struggle against tsarism.

In 1879, a split occurred in “Land and Freedom” into “villagers”, who defended the old methods of work in the countryside, and “politicians” - supporters of terrorist activities. Accordingly, two new organizations arose: “Black Redistribution” and “ People's will" If the Black Peredelites organized long-term populist settlements in the countryside, the Narodnaya Volya took a different path. Your main task"People's Will" considered a political coup and seizure of power.

Regicide

Having put forward the slogan of the struggle for political freedoms and the convening of the Constituent Assembly, the Narodnaya Volya devoted all their efforts to preparing and carrying out terrorist acts against the tsar. Five assassination attempts were organized, but all of them ended in failure. During the sixth attempt, on March 1, 1881, Alexander II was killed.

But the revolutionaries' hopes for the rise of a mass liberation struggle were not justified. The leaders of Narodnaya Volya and active participants in the assassination attempt (Andrei Zhelyabov, Sofya Perovskaya, Nikolai Kibalchich, etc.) were arrested and executed. Beginning in the 1980s, revolutionary populism entered a period of crisis.

Alexander III

Political reaction. After the assassination of Alexander II, his second son Alexander ascended the throne. He immediately came out with a Manifesto on strengthening the autocracy, which meant a transition to reaction. However, this transition was carried out gradually. In the first months of his reign, the tsar was forced to maneuver between liberals and reactionaries. Fearing attempts on his life, Alexander III did not dare move to the Winter Palace, but holed up in the Gatchina Palace near St. Petersburg (for which he received the ironic nickname “Gatchina prisoner”). And only after becoming convinced of the weakness of the revolutionary forces and that Russia was not threatened by an immediate revolution, did he move on to an openly reactionary policy.

Counter-reforms

The autocracy dealt harshly with the Narodnaya Volya. With the help of espionage and provocations, most of the revolutionary populist circles and organizations were destroyed.

The first adviser to the new tsar was the chief prosecutor of the Synod, K. Pobedonostsev, his former teacher, who did not approve of the reforms of Alexander II, considering them a “criminal mistake.”

The transition to overt reaction was accompanied by an expansion of the administration's rights and increased police brutality. The rights of governors were significantly expanded. Constitutional projects were no longer considered. The most progressive magazines and newspapers were closed, the power of the nobles over the peasants increased, and certain reforms of the 60s and 70s were revised. The rights of zemstvo and city self-government bodies and judicial institutions were significantly curtailed, and the autonomy (independence) of universities was limited. Tuition fees have increased. Since 1887, the gymnasium no longer accepted children from outside the nobility.

A bright poetic image of the era of the 80s. Alexander Blok gave in his poem “Retribution”:

"In those years, distant, deaf
Sleep and darkness reigned in our hearts:
Pobedonostsev over Russia
Spread out the owl's wings,
And there was neither day nor night,
But only the shadow of huge wings:
He outlined a wondrous circle
Russia..."

The counter-reforms were an attempt to restore the power of the state over the emerging civil society.

Used literature:
V. S. Koshelev, I. V. Orzhekhovsky, V. I. Sinitsa / World history Modern times XIX - early XX century, 1998.

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Ministry agriculture Russian Federation

Ulyanovsk State Agricultural Academy

Department: national history and cultural studies

REVOLUTIONARY POPULARism OF THE 19TH CENTURY

Completed by: student

1 course 1 group

Faculty of Veterinary

medicine

Dumtseva A.V.

Ulyanovsk 2005

Introduction

In the second half of the 50s of the 19th century. (preparation period peasant reform) in the socio-political life of Russia there has been a certain convergence of different ideological trends. The whole society understood the need to renew the country. It pushed and stimulated the government's transformative activities that had begun. However, the process of implementing the reform and its results aggravated and deepened the ideological and political confrontation in society. The post-reform period of the spontaneous formation of the early capitalist formation and the corresponding awakening of the proletariat in embryonic form contained a kind of code for the entire future uniqueness of the political development of the country.

Reasons for the rise social movement

The main thing is the preservation of the old socio-political system and, first of all, the autocratic system with its police apparatus, the privileged position of the nobility, and the lack of democratic freedoms. An equally significant reason is the unresolved agrarian-peasant issue, which remained central in public life countries. The half-hearted reforms of the 60s and 70s and fluctuations in government policy also intensified the social movement. A special reason was the diversity and severity of social contradictions. To the old ones - between peasants and landowners - new ones were added, caused by the development of capitalism - between workers and entrepreneurs, the liberal bourgeoisie and the conservative nobility, between the autocracy and the peoples that were part of the Russian Empire.

In the post-reform period, three directions in the social movement finally took shape - conservatives, liberals, and radicals. They had different political goals, organizational forms and methods of struggle, spiritual and moral - ethical positions.

Conservatives

The social basis of this trend was the reactionary nobility, clergy, petty bourgeoisie, merchant class and a significant part of the peasantry.

Autocracy was still declared the most important pillar of the state, ensuring the greatness and glory of Russia. Orthodoxy was proclaimed as the basis of the spiritual life of the people and was actively inculcated. Nationality meant the unity of the king with the people, which implied the absence of soil for social conflicts. In this, conservatives saw the uniqueness of Russia's historical path.

In the domestic political sphere, conservatives fought for the inviolability of autocracy, against the liberal reforms of the 60s and 70s, and in subsequent decades they sought to limit their results. In the economic sphere, they advocated for the inviolability of private property, the preservation of landownership and the community. In the social field, they insisted on strengthening the position of the nobility - the basis of the state and maintaining the class division of society. In foreign policy, they developed the ideas of Pan-Slavism - the unity of Slavic peoples around Russia. In the spiritual sphere, representatives of the conservative intelligentsia defended the principles of a patriarchal lifestyle, religiosity, and unconditional submission to authority.

The ideologists of the conservatives were K.P. Pobedonostsev, D.A. Tolstoy, M.N. Katkov. The spread of their ideas was facilitated by the bureaucratic apparatus, the church and the reactionary press.

Conservatives were statist guardians. They had a negative attitude towards any mass social action, advocating order, calm and tradition.

Liberals

The social basis of the liberal trend was made up of bourgeois landowners, part of the bourgeoisie and the intelligentsia (scientists, writers, journalists, doctors, etc.).

They defended the idea of common Western Europe paths of historical development of Russia.

In the domestic political sphere, liberals insisted on the introduction of constitutional principles, democratic freedoms and the continuation of reforms. They advocated the creation of an all-Russian elected body (Zemsky Sobor), expanding the rights and functions of local self-government bodies (Zemstvos). Their political ideal was a constitutional monarchy. Liberals advocated the preservation of a strong executive power, believing it to be a necessary factor of stability, and called for measures to be taken to promote the establishment of a rule-of-law state and civil society in Russia.

In the socio-economic sphere, they welcomed the development of capitalism and freedom of enterprise, advocated the preservation of private property and the reduction of redemption payments. The demand to eliminate class privileges, recognition of the inviolability of the individual, his right to free spiritual development was the basis of their moral and ethical views.

Liberals stood for an evolutionary path of development, considering reforms the main method of socio-political modernization of Russia. They were ready to cooperate with the autocracy. Therefore, their activities mainly consisted of submitting “addresses” to the tsar - petitions proposing a program of reforms. The most “left-wing” liberals sometimes used conspiratorial meetings of their supporters.

The ideologists of the liberals were learned publicists and zemstvo leaders (K.D. Kavelin, B.N. Chicherin, V.A. Goltsev, D.I. Shakhovskoy, F.I. Rodichev, P.A. Dolgorukov). Their organizational support was zemstvos, magazines (Russian Thought, Vestnik Evropy) and scientific societies. The liberals did not create a stable and organized opposition to the government.

Features of Russian liberalism: its noble character due to the political weakness of the bourgeoisie and its readiness for rapprochement with conservatives. They were united by the fear of popular “revolt” and the actions of radicals.

Radicals

Representatives of this trend launched active anti-government activities. Unlike conservatives and liberals, they strived for violent methods of transforming Russia and a radical reorganization of society (the revolutionary path).

In the second half of the 19th century. the radicals did not have a broad social basis, although objectively they expressed the interests of the working people (peasants and workers). Their movement included people from different layers societies (raznochintsy) who devoted themselves to serving the people.

Radicalism was largely provoked by the reactionary policies of the government and the conditions of Russian reality: police brutality, lack of freedom of speech, meetings and organizations. Therefore, only secret organizations could exist in Russia itself. Radical theorists were generally forced to emigrate and act abroad. This contributed to strengthening the ties between the Russian and Western European revolutionary movements.

In the history of the radical movement of the second half of the 19th century. There are three stages:

b 60s - the formation of revolutionary democratic ideology and the creation of secret raznochinsky circles;

b 70s - the formalization of the populist doctrine, the special scope of agitation and terrorist activities of revolutionary populist organizations;

b 80-90s - the activation of liberal populists and the beginning of the spread of Marxism, on the basis of which the first social democratic groups were created; in the mid-90s - the weakening of the popularity of populism and a short period of widespread enthusiasm for Marxist ideas among democratically minded intelligentsia.

In the 60s, two centers emerged radical direction. One is around the editorial office of Kolokol, published by A.I. Herzen in London. He propagated his theory of “communal socialism” and sharply criticized the predatory conditions for the liberation of peasants. The second center arose in Russia around the editorial office of the Sovremennik magazine. Its ideologist was N. G. Chernyshevsky, the idol of the youth of the time. He also criticized the government for the essence of the reform, dreamed of socialism, but, unlike A.I. Herzen, saw the need for Russia to use the experience of the European development model. In 1862 N.G. Chernyshevsky was arrested and sentenced to hard labor and exile to Siberia.

Therefore, he himself could not take an active part in the social struggle, but based on his ideas, several secret organizations were formed in the early 60s. They included N.A. and A.A. Serno-Solovyevichi, G.E. Blagosvetlov, N.I. Utin and others. “Left” radicals set the task of preparing a people’s revolution and for this they launched active publishing activities. In the proclamations “Bow to the lordly peasants from their well-wishers”, “To the younger generation”, “Young Russia”, “What should the army do?” and others, they explained to the people the tasks of the upcoming revolution, substantiated the need to eliminate the autocracy, the democratic transformation of Russia, and a fair solution to the agrarian question.

"Land and Freedom" (1861-1864)

The landowners considered N.P.’s article their program document. Ogarev “What do the people need?”, published in June 1861 in Kolokol. She warned the people against premature unprepared actions and called for the unification of all revolutionary forces. The main demands were the transfer of land to peasants, the development of local self-government and preparation for future active actions to transform the country.

"Land and Freedom" was the first major revolutionary democratic organization. It included several hundred members from different social strata: officials, officers, writers, students. The organization was headed by the Russian Central People's Committee. Branches of the society were created in St. Petersburg, Moscow, Tver, Kazan, Nizhny Novgorod, Kharkov and other cities.

At the end of 1862, the Russian military revolutionary organization created in the Kingdom of Poland joined “Land and Freedom”.

The first secret organizations did not last long. The decline of the peasant movement, the defeat of the uprising in the Kingdom of Poland (1863), the strengthening of the police regime - all this led to their self-dissolution or defeat. Some members of the organizations were arrested, others emigrated. The government managed to repel the onslaught of radicals in the first half of the 60s. There has been a sharp turn in public opinion against the radicals and their revolutionary aspirations. Many public figures who previously stood on democratic or liberal positions moved to the conservative camp (M.N. Katkov and others).

In the second half of the 60s, secret circles arose again. Their members preserved the ideological heritage of N.G. Chernyshevsky, but, having lost faith in the possibility of a popular revolution in Russia, switched to narrowly conspiratorial and terrorist tactics. They tried to realize their high moral ideals by immoral means. In 1866, a member of the circle N.A. Ishutina D.V. Karakozov made an unsuccessful attempt on the life of Tsar Alexander II.

In 1869, teacher S.G. Nechaev and journalist P.N. Tkachev created an organization in St. Petersburg that called on student youth to prepare an uprising and use any means in the fight against the government. After the defeat of the circle of S.G. Nechaev went abroad for a while, but in the fall of 1869 he returned and founded the “People’s Retribution” organization in Moscow. He was distinguished by extreme political adventurism and demanded unquestioning submission from his participants. For disagreement with the methods of S.G. Nechaev student I.I. Ivanov was falsely accused of treason and killed. The police destroyed the organization. S.G. Nechaev fled to Switzerland, he was extradited as a criminal. The government used the trial against him to discredit the revolutionaries. “Nechaevism” for some time became a serious lesson for the next generation of revolutionaries, warning them against unlimited centralism.

At the turn of the 60s and 70s, largely based on the ideas of A.I. Ger price and N.G. Chernyshevsky, populist ideology took shape. It became very popular among democratically minded intellectuals of the last third of the 19th century, who considered it their duty to serve the people. There were two trends among the populists: revolutionary and liberal.

Revolutionary Populists

The main ideas of the revolutionary populists: capitalism in Russia is imposed “from above” and has no social roots on Russian soil; the future of the country lies in communal socialism, since the peasants can accept socialist ideas; transformations must be carried out by a revolutionary method, by the forces of the peasantry, led by an organization of revolutionaries. Their ideologists M.A. Bakunin, P.L. Lavrov and P.N. Tkachev - were developed theoretical foundations three currents of revolutionary populism - rebellious (anarchist), propaganda and conspiratorial.

M.A. Bakunin believed that the Russian peasant was by nature a rebel and ready for revolution. Therefore, the task of the intelligentsia is to go to the people and incite an all-Russian revolt. Viewing the state as an instrument of injustice and oppression, he called for its destruction and the creation of a federation of self-governing free communities. This idea became the basis of the theory of anarchism.

P.L. Lavrov did not consider the people ready for revolution. Therefore, he paid most attention to propaganda with the aim of preparing the peasantry. The peasants had to be “awakened” by “critically thinking individuals” - the advanced part of the intelligentsia.

P.N. Tkachev, as well as P.L. Lavrov did not consider the peasant ready for revolution. At the same time, he called the Russian people “communists by instinct,” who do not need to be taught socialism. In his opinion, a narrow group of conspirators (professional revolutionaries), having captured state power, will quickly involve the people in socialist reconstruction.

In 1874, based on the ideas of M.A. Bakunin, more than 1,000 young revolutionaries undertook a massive “walk among the people,” hoping to rouse the peasants to revolt. The results were insignificant. The populists were faced with tsarist illusions and the possessive psychology of the peasants. The movement was crushed, the agitators were arrested.

"Land and Freedom" (1876--1879)

In 1876, the surviving participants in the “walking among the people” formed a new secret organization, which in 1878 took the name “Land and Freedom.” Its program provided for the implementation of a socialist revolution by overthrowing the autocracy, transferring all land to the peasants and introducing “secular self-government” in the countryside and cities. The organization was headed by G.V. Plekhanov, A.D. Mikhailov, S.M. Kravchinsky, N.A. Morozov, V.N. Figner et al.

A second “going to the people” was carried out - with the aim of long-term agitation among the peasants. The landowners were also involved in agitation of workers and soldiers and helped organize several strikes. In 1876, with the participation of “Land and Freedom”, the first political demonstration in Russia was held in St. Petersburg on the square in front of the Kazan Cathedral. G.V. spoke to the audience. Plekhanov, who called to fight for land and freedom for peasants and workers. The police dispersed the demonstration, many of its participants were injured. Those arrested were sentenced to hard labor or exile. G.V. Plekhanov managed to escape from the police.

In 1878 V.I. Zasulich made an attempt on the life of the St. Petersburg boss F.F. Trepova and wounded him. However, the mood of society and the circumstances of the case were such that the jury acquitted her, and F.F. Trepov was forced to resign.

Some populists again returned to the idea of the need for a terrorist struggle. They were encouraged to do this by both government repression and a thirst for activism. Disputes over tactical and programmatic issues led to a split in Land and Freedom.

"Black redistribution"

In 1879, part of the landowners (G.V. Plekhanov, V.I. Zasulich, L.G. Deych, P.B. Axelrod) formed the organization “Black Redistribution” (1879--1881). They remained faithful to the basic program principles of “Land and Freedom” and agitation and propaganda methods of activity.

"People's Will"

In the same year, another part of the Zemlya Volya members created the organization “People's Will” (1879-1881). It was headed by A.I. Zhelyabov, A.D. Mikhailov, S.L. Perovskaya, N.A. Morozov, V.N. Figner and others. They were members of the Executive Committee - the center and main headquarters of the organization.

The Narodnaya Volya program reflected their disappointment in the revolutionary potential of the peasant masses. They believed that the people were suppressed and reduced to a slave state by the tsarist government. Therefore, they considered their main task to be the fight against the state. The program demands of the Narodnaya Volya included: preparation of a political coup and the overthrow of the autocracy; convening the Constituent Assembly and establishing a democratic system in the country; destruction of private property, transfer of land to peasants, factories to workers. (Many of the program positions of the Narodnaya Volya members were adopted at the turn of the 19th-20th centuries by their followers - the party of Socialist Revolutionaries.)

The Narodnaya Volya carried out a number of terrorist actions against representatives of the tsarist administration, but considered their main goal to be the murder of the tsar. They assumed that this would cause a political crisis in the country and a nationwide uprising. However, in response to the terror, the government intensified repression. Most of the Narodnaya Volya members were arrested. S.L., who remains at large Perovskaya organized the assassination attempt on the Tsar. On March 1, 1881, Alexander II was mortally wounded and died a few hours later.

This act did not live up to the expectations of the populists. It once again confirmed the ineffectiveness of terrorist methods of struggle and led to increased reaction and police brutality in the country. In general, the activities of the Narodnaya Volya members significantly slowed down the possibility of an evolutionary transformation of Russia.

Results:

The social movement in the second half of the 19th century, in contrast to the previous time, became important factor political life of the country. The variety of directions and trends, views on ideological and theoretical issues reflected the complexity of the social structure and the severity of social contradictions characteristic of the transitional time of post-reform Russia. In the social movement of the second half of the 19th century. a direction capable of carrying out the evolutionary modernization of the country has not emerged. However, socio-political forces emerged that played a major role in the revolutionary events of the early twentieth century, and the foundations were laid for the formation of political parties in the future.

List of used literature:

1. A.S. Orlov, V.A. Georgiev, N.G. Georgieva, T.A. Sivokhin “History of Russia”

2. V.I. Buganov, P.I. Zyryanov “History of Russia, late 19th century, early 20th century”

3. Historical and biographical almanac

Origins and causes of occurrence. Social base.

In the middle of the 19th century, solving the peasant question was the main task facing the Russian government. For the further development of the country depended on how this issue was resolved. Among the intelligentsia, many options for the development of the country were proposed, but they all converged on the speedy abolition of serfdom. At the turn of 1840-1850, the publicist, writer and philosopher A. I. Herzen outlined his vision on this matter. Impressed by the defeat of the European revolutions of the late 1840s, he put forward the theory that socialism should establish itself in Russia on the basis of the peasant community. Herzen’s “community socialism” was developed at the end of the 1850s by another prominent publicist and philosopher N. G. Chernyshevsky. But unlike Herzen, he believed that the community was a transitional stage to a collective form of production and consumption. The ideas of “communal socialism” found a warm response among the various intelligentsia. And her dissatisfaction with the progress of the peasant reform of 1861 became a reason for action. In addition, the fee for receiving higher education closed the doors of universities to large number young people of all ages who are unable to pay for their education. From them, as A. Herzen put it, “science was locked away.” They became the social base of populism in the 19th century.

Goals of the movement.

The goal of populism as a socio-political movement was the complete reconstruction of society on the basis of socialist principles.

Currents in populism.

Populism, as a socio-political movement, was not homogeneous. United by the main idea of “communal socialism,” the ideologists of populism proposed different ways to achieve the goal.
Propaganda direction. Its ideologists are P. L. Lavrov and N. K. Mikhailovsky. The main postulate is that the social revolution must be prepared by constant propaganda of the intelligentsia among the people. The unacceptability of the violent path of reconstruction.
Rebellious or anarchic movement. Its main ideologist was M.A. Bakunin. This direction is based on the negation of the state as such and its replacement by societies based on the principle of autonomy. The way to achieve the goal is through revolution, revolt and uprising. A series of small riots and uprisings is preparing a big revolutionary explosion.
Social revolutionary or conspiratorial. Leader - P. N. Tkachev. Adherents of this movement believed that it was not enlightenment that should prepare the revolution, but, on the contrary, the revolution should give the people enlightenment, equality and fraternity. Therefore, you should not waste time on enlightenment, but by creating a secret, disciplined organization of professional revolutionaries, seize power. In contrast to the anarchism of Bakunin, Tkachev advocated a strong state capable of turning the country into a large commune.

Activities of the populists.

The first illegal and semi-legal populist circles appeared back in the 1850s. Even then they were divided into propaganda and conspiratorial.
At the beginning of the 1860s, populist circles began to emerge in Moscow, St. Petersburg and other cities. The most influential of them was the first “Land and Freedom” created in St. Petersburg in 1861. Its participants developed the first populist program for the reconstruction of society. But in 1864 the organization dissolved itself. But the comrades-in-arms of the first “Land and Freedom” in 1863 in Moscow created secret society N. A. Ishutina (“Ishutintsy”). This revolutionary organization set as its goal the preparation of a peasant revolution. Over the course of three years, members of the organization established connections with the underground in other cities, created a free school in Moscow, several workshops on “socialist principles,” and prepared N. Chernyshevsky’s escape from hard labor. But the unsuccessful attempt on the life of Alexander II, committed on April 4, 1866 on his own initiative by a member of the organization D. Karakozov, put an end to its activities. The organization was discovered and destroyed, about two thousand people were put under investigation. But only 36 of them were sentenced to prison.
At the end of the 1860s, populist organizations began to emerge in all major cities. At the beginning of the 1870s there were already several dozen of them. At the same time, in 1873-1874, the first “going to the people” took place - a massive attempt by the populists to personally communicate with the people. Hundreds of young people and girls went to villages, found jobs there as teachers, paramedics, and clerks, and tried to conduct agitation among the peasants. But this did not end well for the populists - the peasants were wary of strangers conducting incomprehensible and seditious conversations. The campaign ended with mass arrests - 1,500 people were arrested, many of them were convicted of anti-government agitation. The main lesson they learned from their journey among the people was to abandon attempts to raise a mass uprising. Instead, they focused on creating organizations of professional revolutionaries.
The most significant of the populist organizations of the second half of the 1870s was the second “Land and Freedom”, created in 1876. It had several branches, mainly in the south of Russia. The peasant revolution was not removed from the “Land and Freedom” program, but it was the members of this organization who staged a series of assassination attempts on gendarmerie and police officials at the end of the 1870s. But there were also those in this organization who rejected terror as a means of struggle - G. Plekhanov, V. Zasulich, L. Deitch. In 1879, a final split occurred - opponents of terror created the organization “Black Redistribution”, and those who considered the path of terror the only correct one - “People’s Will”. Within a year, “People's Will” turned into a powerful organization, its governing body was the Executive Committee (Zhelyabov, Mikhailov, Perovskaya, Figner, etc.). Several thousand populists united around this organization. The “idea fix” of the Narodnaya Volya members was the assassination of Emperor Alexander II. Since November 1879, they made five attempts on the emperor's life, and only on March 1, 1881 they managed to achieve their goal. But this was the end of both Narodnaya Volya itself and many other populist organizations. The leaders of Narodnaya Volya were arrested and executed by court order. In total, more than 10 thousand people were brought to trial in the Narodnaya Volya case. Populism as a socio-political movement has never recovered from such large-scale repressions. Although for another twenty years, until 1900, populist circles periodically arose in Moscow, St. Petersburg and other large cities, they were small in number and were quickly liquidated by the authorities. In addition, populism as an ideology had exhausted itself by the beginning of the 20th century - the peasant community, the basis of the ideology of populism, ceased to exist. The community was replaced by commodity-money relations. Capitalism, no matter how much the populists wanted it, developed rapidly in Russia, penetrating ever deeper into all spheres of social life. And just as capitalism replaced the peasant community, so social democracy replaced populism.

The meaning of populism.

The first populist organizations tested methods of political struggle. Through trial and error, the populists came to understand what a revolutionary organization should be. This invaluable experience was adopted by the next generation of revolutionaries - the Social Democrats. The methods of struggle also became a lesson for subsequent generations of revolutionaries; this legacy of the populists is most accurately and succinctly characterized by Lenin’s “We will go a different way.”
The ideology of populism had a huge impact on the social life of Russia in the second half of the 19th century. The direct heirs of this ideologist were the socialist revolutionaries - one of the leading forces of the Russian revolutions. The involvement of a large number of young people in public life, the practice of public life and political struggle is also a merit of populism. Populism is a social initiative from below, which forced the authorities to take into account the opinion of, albeit still a small, part of society. Perhaps this is the main ideological significance of 19th century populism in Russia.

What do we know about populism? Perhaps we should deepen our knowledge? After reading this article, you will probably find something new for yourself.

Adherents of this movement liberated public consciousness from the dictates of the church, but preserved general cultural Christian traditions. The ideology of populism made the autocracy impervious to reasonable alternatives to the state, the authorities saw them as rebels, so the tsarist government found support for itself only in the conservative environment, which ultimately accelerated its death.

Directions and currents

According to the degree of radicalism there are:

conservative course;
liberal-revolutionary;
social revolutionary populism;
anarchist.

The conservative wing was associated with the Slavophiles (Strakhov, Grigoriev). His activities are the least studied and are represented mainly by the work of the staff of the magazine "Week" P. Chervinsky and I. Kablits.

Representatives of the liberal-revolutionary (centrist) wing of the 60-70s of the 19th century: Eliseev (Sovremennik magazine), Zlatovratsky, Obolensky, Mikhailovsky, Korolenko (1868-1884, “Domestic Records”), Krivenko, Yuzhakov, Vorontsov and others . Its leading ideologists were Lavrov and Mikhailovsky.
Supporters of the social revolutionary direction of populism, led by Tkachev and, to some extent, Morozov, were not satisfied with the focus on propaganda and long preparation for a social explosion. They were attracted by the idea of accelerating, forcing the revolution.

The anarchist wing disputed the need for change within the country. The anarchist populists Kropotkin and Bakunin were skeptical of power, considering it enslaving and suppressing individual freedom. As it turned out, this trend rather played a destructive role, although theoretically it had a number of positive ideas.

The first circles and organizations

In 1856-1858 there was a propaganda circle at Kharkov University. In 1861, it was replaced in Moscow by an association under the leadership of P. E. Agriropulo and P. G. Zainchevsky. Its members considered revolution to be the only way to transform the surrounding reality.

"Land and Freedom"

The most influential secret organization in St. Petersburg in 1861-1864 was “Land and Freedom”. Its members (Sleptsov, Kurochkin, Obruchev, Utin, Rymarenko) dreamed of “conditions for revolution.” The program of this society included the transfer of land to peasants (it was planned for a ransom), the replacement of all officials with elected officials, a reduction in spending on the army and royal court. However, these provisions never received adequate support among the people, and as a result, the organization dissolved itself, remaining undetected by the tsarist security services.

"Ishutintsy"

Ishutin's revolutionary society grew out of a circle that was part of the Land and Freedom organization. His goal was to prepare a peasant revolution through a conspiracy of intellectual groups. In an effort to bring to life some of Chernyshevsky's ideas on creating workshops and artels, members of the society opened a free school in Moscow in 1865, a bookbinding and sewing workshop, negotiated regarding the creation of a commune with the workers of the Lyudinovsky ironworks in the Kaluga province, and founded a cotton factory on the basis of association in 1865 in Mozhaisk district. The “Ishutintsy” planned Chernyshevsky’s escape from hard labor, but their activities were interrupted on April 4, 1866 by the assassination attempt of Karakozov, one of the members of this society, on the emperor. In this case, more than 2,000 populists were put under investigation, 36 were sentenced by the authorities to various measures (Karakozov was hanged, Ishutin was placed in solitary confinement, where he later went crazy).

"People's Massacre"

This organization, led by Nechaev, represented the radical populist movement and was created in 1869 in Moscow and St. Petersburg. It consisted of 77 people. Its goal was also to prepare a “people's revolution.” Sergei Nechaev personified fanaticism, unprincipledness, deceit and dictatorship in this organization. P.L. Lavrov openly opposed him, who believed that “no one should risk the moral purity of the struggle unless absolutely necessary, and not a single extra drop of blood should be shed.” Nechaev called for terror and provocations. He was confident that such methods would be useful in weakening the regime and would bring a brighter future closer. Ivanov, who opposed Nechaev, was later accused of treason and killed. The police uncovered this criminal offense, and the leader of the organization fled abroad, but was found, arrested and tried as a criminal.

This ideology did not pass without a trace, and was reflected in the revolutionary thought of other states. Thus, populism was encountered in the populist movements of third world countries over many subsequent years (20th century).

Populists

Followers populism- socio-political movement in Russia in the second half of the 19th century. (1860–1880), reflecting the ideology of peasant ( cm.) democracy and considered it possible for Russia to transition to socialism through the peasant community, bypassing capitalism. The ideologists of the movement were M.A. Bakunin, P.L. Lavrov, P.N. Tkachev.

Populism as an ideology began in the 1860s. in revolutionary circles and organizations in the 1870s. developed in "going to the people" - mass movement common (cm.) youth in village with a call for a peasant revolution, the overthrow of the autocracy and the establishment of communal socialism. Hence the name populists. The movement failed: the authorities diligently identified populist propagandists and suppressed their activities; the peasants en masse did not support the call to rebel against king. Many of the disillusioned participants in the “going to the people” later focused their efforts on creating revolutionary organizations. Since the mid-1870s. The revolutionaries changed their working methods: they settled in villages, were hired as rural teachers and doctors, became blacksmiths and carpenters, and tried to gradually, in an accessible form, influence the peasants. However, this did not bring the expected results. The failure of “going to the people” undermined the trust of revolutionary-minded youth and the “rebellious” ideas of M.A. Bakunin, and to the “propaganda” theories of P.L. Lavrov, but made the thoughts of P.N. popular. Tkachev about the need for a tightly knit secret organization. Such an organization was created at the end of 1876, and in 1878 it received the name “Land and Freedom” - in honor of the organization that existed in the 1860s. All-Russian revolutionary organization founded N.G. Chernyshevsky And A.I. Herzen. The authors of the “Lands and Freedom” program considered the main tactical means of fighting against the autocracy to be propaganda among peasants and workers ( cm.), artisans, students, military, as well as the impact on the liberal opposition circles of Russian society. However, young people joining the revolutionary organization were increasingly attracted to terrorist methods of struggle.
In 1879, “Land and Freedom” split into two organizations - "People's Will"(it included most of the members of “Land and Freedom”) and “Black redistribution"(the name is associated with a rumor widespread among peasants about an imminent general, “black” redistribution of land).
“People's Will” united everyone who decided to abandon the old ways of struggle and switch to terror. The organization was headed by Alexander Mikhailov, Andrei Zhelyabov, Sofia Perovskaya, Vera Figner and others. The entire year of 1880 was marked by terrorist attacks Narodnaya Volya , and on March 1, 1881 he was killed by them. The participants in the attempt were sentenced to death and hanged. In 1879–1883 Over 70 political processes of the People's Will took place, in which about 2 thousand people were involved. By 1884, Narodnaya Volya was completely destroyed.
The leader of the “Black Redistribution”, which remained in its previous land-volitional positions, became G.V. Plekhanov, who soon emigrated and in 1883 in Geneva created the “Emancipation of Labor” group, switching to the position of Marxism.
The activities of the Narodniks, especially terrorist ones, did not find support among broad sections of society, although many shared their conviction in the need for fundamental changes in Russia and appreciated their readiness for self-sacrifice. During the Soviet period ( cm. Soviet Union ) populists were considered revolutionary heroes, streets were named after them. In post-perestroika ( cm.) time, the terrorist activities of the populists began to be condemned by many as an unacceptable means of achieving political goals.
The Narodnik movement, to one degree or another, was reflected in a number of works by Russian writers of the second half of the 19th century: N.G. Chernyshevsky, N.A. Nekrasova, CM. Stepnyak-Kravchinsky, N.S. Leskova, G.I. Uspensky and others. The novel “Nov” and a prose poem are dedicated to populism I.S. Turgenev“Threshold”, although the writer himself did not share the beliefs and methods of struggle of the populists. The novel contains sharp criticism of revolutionary terrorists F.M. Dostoevsky“Demons”, the prototypes of whose heroes were the leaders of populism. In the literature of the 20th century. this theme is present in the novel Yu.V. Trifonova"Impatience", poem E.A. Yevtushenko"Kazan University" and others.
The images of the populist revolutionaries were created I.E. Repin in paintings (1884), “Refusal of Confession” (1885), “Arrest of the Propagandist” (1892), V.E. Makovsky- in the films “Convict” (1879), “Party” (1897), etc.
In language modern means the media uses the expression going to the people to name any actions of political figures, for example, during the election campaign.
P.L. Lavrov. Photo from 1870:

M.A. Bakunin. Photo from 1870:

"Arrest of a propagandist." Artist I.E. Repin. 1892:

Russia. Large linguistic and cultural dictionary. - M.: State Institute Russian language named after. A.S. Pushkin. AST-Press. T.N. Chernyavskaya, K.S. Miloslavskaya, E.G. Rostova, O.E. Frolova, V.I. Borisenko, Yu.A. Vyunov, V.P. Chudnov. 2007 .

See what “Narodniks” are in other dictionaries:

Populists- Populism is the movement of the Russian intelligentsia to “get closer” to the people in search of their roots, their place in the world. The populism movement is associated with the intelligentsia’s feeling of losing their connection with folk wisdom and folk truth. Three currents... ... Wikipedia

populists- (Russian populists) pl. Russians Malograyan revolutionaries that represented the meaning of politics power before extending to Marxism in Russia... Macedonian dictionary

Populists-communists- (“Populists Communists”), a group of left Socialist Revolutionaries who refused to support the adventurist policy of their Central Committee and left the party after the Left Socialist Revolutionary revolt of 1918 (See Left Socialist Revolutionary rebellion of 1918). On August 18, 1918 the group declared itself “N... Great Soviet Encyclopedia

Populists, populism- ideology and movement of the various intelligentsia in Russia in the 2nd half. XIX century It expressed the interests of the peasants, opposed the capitalist development of Russia, as well as for the overthrow of the autocracy through a peasant revolution, and envisaged... ... Dictionary-reference book on philosophy for students of medical, pediatric and dental faculties

LIBERAL PEOPLE- participants in the social movement in Russia, 2nd half. 19th century, socialists, supporters of peaceful social political reforms(N.F. Danielson, V.P. Vorontsov, etc.) ...

REVOLUTIONARY PEOPULKS- participants in the social movement in Russia early. 70 90s 19th century, socialists, most supporters of active revolutionary struggle against autocracy. From the end 70s among the revolutionary populists, the Narodnaya Volya prevailed (see Narodnaya Volya) ... Big Encyclopedic Dictionary

LIBERAL PEOPLE- LIBERAL PEOPLE, In Marxist literature, the name of participants in the social movement of the 2nd half of the 19th century, supporters of the transformation of the socio-political system of Russia on the basis of socialism through peaceful reforms (U.K. Mikhailovsky, ... ... Russian history

REVOLUTIONARY PEOPULKS- REVOLUTIONARY PEOPLE, in the literature the name of participants in the revolutionary movement in the early 70s and 90s. 19th century, supporters of the so-called. peasant socialism (see PORADUKISM) and active struggle against the autocracy. Since the late 70s. among R. n.... ...Russian history

Liberal Populists- in Marxist literature of the late 1890s. the name of participants in the social movement of the second half of the 19th century, supporters of the transformation of the socio-political system of Russia on the principles of socialism through peaceful reforms (N.K. Mikhailovsky, N ... Encyclopedic Dictionary

revolutionary populists- participants in the social movement in Russia in the early 70s and 90s. XIX century, socialists, most supporters of active revolutionary struggle against autocracy. Since the late 70s. Among the revolutionary populists, the Narodnaya Volya prevailed (see “People’s Will”)... Encyclopedic Dictionary

Books

Populists-propagandists of 1873-78. , P. L. Lavrov, Reproduced in the original author's spelling of the 1907 edition (publishing house St. Petersburg. Printing house T. Andreson and Loitsyansky). IN… Category: Library Science Publisher: Book on Demand, Manufacturer: