History of fascism in Western Europe. The emergence of fascism

it. fascismo from fas-cio - bundle, bundle, association) - ideology, political movement and social practice, which are characterized by the following signs and features: justification on racial grounds of the superiority and exclusivity of one nation, proclaimed therefore dominant; intolerance and discrimination towards other “alien”, “hostile” nations and national minorities; denial of democracy and human rights; imposing a regime based on the principles of totalitarian-corporate statehood, one-party system and leaderism; the establishment of violence and terror in order to suppress the political enemy and any form of dissent; militarization of society, the creation of paramilitary forces and the justification of war as a means of solving interstate problems. As can be seen from the list given in the definition, it covers and takes into account many signs and characteristic features, the totality of which makes up the most common and adequate formula of F. Such a wide set of signs is explained by the fact that F. is a complex, multidimensional social phenomenon noted in different countries features and differences in the origins, prerequisites, forms of manifestation, socio-economic conditions and national-political traditions that contribute to its origin and formation. F. in its own, narrow sense is usually associated with its Italian model, which is etymologically and historically quite justified.

The first fascist organizations appeared in the spring of 1919. in Italy in the form of paramilitary squads of nationalist-minded former front-line soldiers. In October 1922, the fascists, who had become a major political force, staged an armed “march on Rome”, which resulted in the appointment of October 31, 1922. the prime minister was the head of the fascists (Il Duce) B. Mussolini. Over the next 4 years, political freedoms were gradually eliminated, and the omnipotence of the fascist party elite was established. In the 30s The creation of a corporate state was completed in Italy. The basis political system constituted the only legal fascist party. Parliament was replaced by a special body, which included representatives of various professional groups and social strata ("corporations", hence the name "corporate state"). Independent trade unions were replaced by completely nationalized “vertical” fascist trade unions. Mussolini's government developed and adopted a series of codes (criminal, criminal procedure, civil, etc.), a number of which, with modifications, are still in force today. The fascist government adopted the criminal law doctrine " social protection", led a decisive fight against the mafia, as a result of which for the first time in Italian history it was possible to put an end to organized crime.

In a broad sense, the concept of F. is extended to National Socialism and other authoritarian-corporate, military regimes (Salazar in Portugal (1926-1974) and Franco in Spain (1939-1975).

In relation to Hitler's Germany (1933-1945), as a rule, the term “national socialism” (“Nazism”) is used, the use of which is also typical for the post-war legislation of these countries banning National Socialism. Nazi organizations and their activities, as well as propaganda of the ideas of National Socialism. And although many political scientists rightly point out the vagueness of the concept of f., it seems legitimate to talk about f. in a broad sense, i.e. including National Socialism, Italian, Portuguese and its other varieties. It should also be taken into account that the UN General Assembly, in many of its resolutions on the threat of the revival of F. and the need to combat it, uses this concept in a broad sense.

In the most concentrated form, although in its most extreme manifestations, the generic signs and characteristic features of f. were embodied in Nazi Germany, where racism, mass terror and aggression were justified in ideology, legalized in legislation and implemented in the criminal policy and practice of the state.

On October 1, 1946, the first international trial in the history of mankind of the main war criminals of Nazi Germany ended in Nuremberg. The International Military Tribunal (IMT), on behalf of the peoples of the world, condemned the leaders, ideologists, and military commanders of Nazi Germany for crimes against peace, war crimes and crimes against humanity. The IMT recognized the NSDAP, Gestapo, SS and SD as criminal organizations. The Tribunal recognized and condemned the ideology of Nazism and the regime based on it as criminal.

The main Nuremberg IMT trial was followed by 12 trials conducted by American Military Tribunals (AMT) in Nuremberg. In Trial No. 3 of the AVT, a case was considered on charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity against Nazi judges. The Court's verdict clearly defined the role of judges and high-ranking justice officials in the commission of these crimes: "The main element of the charge is that the laws, Hitler's decrees and the draconian, corrupt and corrupt National Socialist legal system as such together constitute a war crime and a crime against humanity. Participation in the promulgation and implementation of such laws amounted to criminal complicity." The Tribunal described Nazi legislation itself as a far-reaching degradation of the entire legal system.

After the Second World War, the question arose of creating legal barriers to the revival of f.. Analysis of the legislation of Western countries (Germany, Austria, Italy, Portugal, etc.), in which f. different periods was in power or existed as a political and state reality, shows that the suppression of f. is carried out mainly through the prohibition of the formation and activities of associations and parties of a fascist, Nazi or neo-Nazi persuasion or other national varieties of f., known in these countries from their own experience . Thus, the Portuguese Constitution of 1976 directly uses the term “F.”. In paragraph 4 of Art. 46 of the Constitution on the right of citizens to associate, “armed associations, associations of a militaristic or paramilitarist nature, as well as organizations that adhere to the ideology of fascism” are recognized as unacceptable.

Violation of the ban and the continuation of the activities of banned parties and associations of pro-Nazi or pro-fascist orientation are subject to criminal punishment in these countries, while the concept or definition of F. as a legal category used in a criminal law or administrative legal context. usually absent. The exception is Portugal. In the law banning f. 1978, the lack of a legal definition of f. is compensated by a detailed definition of fascist organizations: “... fascist organizations are considered to be organizations that, in their charters, manifestos, messages and statements of leading and responsible figures, as well as in their activities, openly adhere to , defend, strive to disseminate and actually disseminate the principles, teachings, attitudes and methods inherent in fascist regimes known to history, namely: they promote war, violence as a form of political struggle, colonialism, racism, corporatism and extol prominent fascist figures."

In Austria, liberated from the Nazi occupation, the provisional coalition government on May 8, 1945 adopted the constitutional Law banning the NSDAP, which is still in force. In 1992, it was amended to increase criminal liability for any attempt to recreate or support the activities of banned Nazi organizations. At the same time, the upper limits of the punishment in the form of life imprisonment were retained and the lower limits were omitted. The law increased penalties for promoting National Socialism by distributing publications or works of art, and also introduced a new crime criminalizing denial of Nazi genocide and crimes against humanity or apology for National Socialism.

In Germany, a different mechanism is provided for the possible suppression of pro-Nazi activities. In 1952, the Federal Constitutional Court declared the Socialist Imperial Party unconstitutional and banned it as the successor to the NSDAP; the ban also applies to the creation of organizations replacing it. The German Criminal Code, which came into force on January 1, 1975, contains a number of articles establishing criminal liability for the continuation of the activities of a banned organization, an attempt to recreate it or create a replacement organization, for the dissemination of propaganda materials of such an organization, as well as for the use of its symbols. These articles should apply to parties and associations with a Nazi and neo-Nazi orientation.

In Italy, the condemnation of F. and its ban are recorded in the transitional and final regulations of the 1947 Constitution: “The restoration in any form of the dissolved fascist party is prohibited.” Article 13 of the Constitution prohibits the creation of secret societies and associations that, at least indirectly, pursue political goals through organizations of a military nature. In November 1947, the Italian Constituent Assembly passed a law banning fascist activities, which also provides for imprisonment for F propaganda. In 1952, a law was passed banning neo-fascist activities and organizations such as the Italian Social Movement party. It was first used in 1973 in the case of 40 members of a neo-fascist organization " New order". 30 of whom were sentenced to different deadlines imprisonment. In 1974, more than 100 criminal cases were brought against members of the neo-fascist organization National Vanguard. The fight against F. in Italy is based both on the legislation applied by the courts and on the people’s active rejection of any manifestations and performances of neo-fascist forces.

Incomplete definition ↓

IN modern society The terms "Nazism", "nationalism" and "fascism" may often be perceived as synonymous, but this is not the case. Two terms, namely Nazism and fascism, were identified during the Great Patriotic War, since Italy and Germany acted on the same side in this war. It was then that the phrase “Nazi Germany” appeared, which the captured Germans really did not like. Nationalism and Nazism are practically indistinguishable for ordinary person. But if these concepts have the same meaning, how can they differentiate between them and Nazism?

Fascism and Francoism

Fascism in Italian means “union” or “bundle”. This term refers to a generalization of far-right political movements, as well as their ideology. It also denotes dictatorial-type political regimes that are led by these movements. If we take a narrower concept, then fascism means a mass political movement that existed in Italy in the 20-40s of the twentieth century under the leadership of Mussolini.

In addition to Italy, fascism also existed in Spain during the reign of General Franco, which is why it received a slightly different name - Francoism. Fascism existed in Portugal, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, and also in many If you believe the works of Soviet scientists, then National Socialism, which existed in Germany, should also be classified as fascism, but to understand this, you need to understand what Nazism is?

Signs of a fascist state

How can one distinguish a fascist state from others? Undoubtedly, it has its own characteristics that make it possible to separate it from other countries where a dictator rules. The main features of the ideology of fascism are:

  • Leaderism.
  • Corporatism.
  • Militarism.
  • Extremism.
  • Nationalism.
  • Anti-communism.
  • Populism.

Fascist parties, in turn, arise when the country is in a state of economic crisis, moreover, if it affects the state of the political and social sphere.

After the end of World War II, the concept of "fascist" took on a very negative connotation, so it became extremely unpopular for any political group to identify itself as a this direction. In the Soviet media, all anti-communist military dictatorships were traditionally called fascism. Examples include Pinochet's military junta in Chile, as well as the Stroessner regimes in Paraguay.

Fascism is not synonymous with the word nationalism, so the two concepts should not be confused. You just need to figure it out, and Nazism.

Nationalism

The next term that you should learn to understand what Nazism is is nationalism. It is one of the areas of policy, the fundamental principle of which is the thesis of the supremacy of the nation in the state. This political movement seeks to defend the interests of a particular nationality. But this doesn't always happen. Sometimes nationalism can shape a people not only according to the principle of one blood, but also according to the principle of territorial affiliation.

How to distinguish nationalism from Nazism?

The main differences between Nazism and nationalism are that representatives of the latter are more tolerant of other ethnic groups, but do not seek to get closer to them. In addition, they, as mentioned above, can be formed along territorial or religious grounds. It is also less likely to contradict economics, free thought and freedom of speech. It knows how to qualitatively wedge itself into the legal field of the state and is able to cope with. Anyone who understands what Nazism is should know that under it the state follows totalitarian foundations, and there is no place for free thinking in it.

Nazism

What is Nazism? The definition of this concept became widely known throughout the world after the end of World War II. It is the Third Reich that is the main example through which one can understand what Nazism is. This concept refers to that form of social structure of the state in which socialism is combined with an extreme degree of racism and nationalism.

The goal of Nazism was to unite over a vast area a community of racially pure, Aryan people who could lead the country to prosperity for centuries.

According to Hitler, socialism was an ancient Aryan tradition. According to high-ranking officials of the Third Reich, it was their ancestors who first began to use the lands together, diligently developing the idea of ​​​​the common good. Communism, they said, was not socialism, but only Marxism in disguise.

The main ideas of National Socialism were:

  • Anti-Marxism, anti-Bolshevism.
  • Racism.
  • Militarism.

Thus, one can understand what fascism and Nazism, as well as nationalism, are. These are three completely different concepts, which, despite some similarities, are not synonymous. But despite the facts, many people to this day consider them one and the same.

Italian fascismo, from fascio - bundle, ligament, association) - one of the forms of reaction. anti-democratic bourgeois movements and regimes characteristic of the era of the general crisis of capitalism. F. in power - “... this is an open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, the most chauvinistic, the most imperialist elements of finance capital” (CPSU Program, 1961, p. 53). The peculiarity of F., in comparison with military regimes. dictatorship, personal power, Bonapartism, etc., is the implementation of violence against the masses through a comprehensive state-political. a machine that includes a system of mass organizations and an extensive ideological apparatus. influences, complemented by a system of mass terror. F. widely uses pseudo-revolutionary and pseudo-socialist slogans and forms of mass organization to disguise total violence. F.'s appearance on politics. arena - the result of a socio-economic, political crisis. and cultural development of the bourgeoisie. society, the fear of the ruling bourgeoisie before the onslaught of the revolutionaries. socialism. F. “...intensifies its activity at a time of aggravation of the crisis of imperialism, when the desire of the reaction to use methods of brutal suppression of democratic and revolutionary forces increases” (International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties. Documents and materials, 1969, p. 322). The uneven pace and forms of development of this crisis, the decline or underdevelopment of democratic-parliamentary forms of political life, contradictions between the degree of ideological. organization and level of culture of the masses, the “newest” means of mobilizing old mass prejudices are characteristic elements of the soil on which F. grows. It is no coincidence that F. established itself in the conditions of the greatest severity of these contradictions, favorable for the involvement of relatively wide strata of Ch. arr. small-town population in politics shares as a "crowd". With all the known history or possible diversity of fascist movements (differing from each other in various combinations of military and party dictatorship, terrorist and ideological coercion, nationalism and statism, etc.), the general condition for their formation is a crisis of democracy. forms bourgeois state in the absence or insufficiency of other effective forms of regulation of social relations. Monopolistic characteristic of the entire era. capitalism, the tendency noted by Lenin towards the elimination or emasculation of democracy is necessary condition , under whom F. develops and comes to power, who “... begins with rabid anti-communism, so that, by isolating and defeating the parties of the working class, fragment the forces of the proletariat and beat them piece by piece, and then put an end to all other democratic parties and organizations, to make the people a blind instrument of the policies of capitalist monopolies" (CPSU Program, 1961, p. 53). The forms of f. depend on a number of circumstances specific to each country: the aggravation of class conflicts with the inability of the bourgeoisie. states to influence them, the crisis is bourgeois. parliamentary system in conditions of split or depoliticization of the working class, the importance of nationalist. and revanchist factors in ideological. atmosphere of preparation for world war. In the West In Europe (Germany, Italy), fascist movements arose as a form of reaction to the threat of socialism. revolution; in Lat. America has repeatedly formed political circles close to F. modes; In some countries of Asia and Africa, certain conditions arise for the parasitism of anti-democratic, incl. and fascist, forms on national. movements and slogans. It would be wrong, however, to see F. as an inevitable stage of socio-political. development of modern capitalism. His dominance turned out to be possible only in certain countries and in certain areas. period, although the methods of mass politics inherent in F. and ideological. violence became widespread. The establishment of F. testifies to both the weaknesses of the worker and the democratic. movement, and about the inability of the ruling class - the bourgeoisie - to maintain its power democratically. parliamentary methods. Fascist regimes combine political violence against the masses with extremely intense and ideological coercion. Using and fueling the historically established prejudices of the masses, F. imposes his ideological ideas on the mass consciousness. stereotypes (racism, chauvinism, militarism, cult of power, etc.), seeks to re-create or revive an active system of ideological and ritual coercion. F. deliberately renounces claims to the “scientific” nature of his ideological support, sharply distinguishing (not only in propaganda, but also in practice) the system of “useful” (for the state, the nation) knowledge and beliefs from the “corrupting objectivism” of science. thinking suitable only for official purposes. “A worldview has nothing to do with knowledge,” Goebbels argued. “The more knowledge there is about everything, the less - as often happens - the determination to speak out in favor of a certain worldview. A worldview is a specific view of the world, its premise is an approach to events under from the same point of view." The reasoning of Italian ideologists was based on the same model. fascism G. Gentile or A. Rocco about the dangers of “intellectualism” for F., which is based on “action and feeling”; Hitler used similar judgments to justify his distrust of “intellectuals and intelligence” (“a person can only die for an idea that he does not understand” - quoted from the book: Adornо T. [a. o.], The autoritarian personality, N. Y. , 1950, p. 733). One of the standard theses of fascist theorists was that F. “does not need proof,” since it is confirmed only by its own. practice and thus opposes liberal or socialist. teachings seeking their justification in theoretical. approaches to society. Claiming to be "historical." to justify their views, F.'s ideologists referred to Machiavelli's theory of strong power, Hobbes's concept of society-state, and the sacralization of the state. Hegel's ideas; for ideologists F.'s most characteristic references are to organicism in sociology of the 19th century, which considered the nation and state as a “biological organism” (see Organic school in sociology), Nietzsche’s philosophy of man, G. Treitschke’s pseudo-historicism, Spengler’s “socialism”, etc. .d. In fact, from the theoretical F.'s heritage selected only that which turned out to be suitable for influencing mass consciousness accordingly. conditions; reaction He took the systems of the past only in their “practically massive” meaning. Yes, aristocratic. Nietzsche's myth about the “blond beast”, the “superman”, directed against the “crowd”, turned into F.’s ideology into a justification for the total subordination of the individual to the “mass”, and in reality - to the fascist party-state. car. F. and his ideology are a typical product of 20th century imperialism. He needed, first of all, an ideology of the “herd” type and constructed it from available historical materials. material. Components F.'s ideologies are the doctrines of a totalitarian state and aggressive ethnocentrism. Its important link is usually a quasi-religious. political cult. The totalitarian state is portrayed in fascist ideology as the highest and universal form of society. life. By subordinating or including all other forms of social organization, the fascist state identifies itself with “society”, “people”, “nation”; social institutions , groups, individuals have the right to exist only as organs and elements of this universal whole. “For fascism, society is the end, individuals are the means, and all life consists of using individuals for social ends,” argued Rocco (Communism, fascism, and democracy, ed. by Cohen, N.Y., 1963, p. 343). According to Mussolini, “for a fascist, everything is in the state and nothing human or spiritual has value outside the state. In this sense, F. is totalitarian, and the fascist state, synthesizing and uniting all values, interprets them, develops and gives strength to the entire life of the people” ( ibid., p. 361). Leaders F., oriented towards the seizure of the territories of foreign states, strongly emphasized the “priority” of the nation or people (“folk”) in relation to the state. “The nation is the first and last, to which everything else is subordinated” (Rosenberg A., ibid., p. 398). In fact, on behalf of the “nation” and “people” the fascist regime spoke, for which references to “mystic.” character of the national unity served as a justification for the total state. systems where the supreme source of power was the leader, who supposedly embodied the will and spirit of the people. In a strictly centralized state. F.'s machine, in which each body was responsible only to a superior, lacked the traditional bourgeois. society, the separation of powers, and legislation and execution of “laws”, judicial and extrajudicial terror, administrative and ideological coercion were concentrated in the same hands. The doctrine of the totalitarian state excluded the autonomy of the k.-l. spheres or values ​​of societies. life - religion, morality, art, family, etc.; everything was subject to state control and regulation. In this doctrine there was no place for individuals outside the state. organizations; a person exists only as a “state person”, as an accessory to the present, i.e. fascist, social machine. Worn out - and vulgarized - bourgeois. development of the idea of ​​inalienable individual rights, freedom and struggle of opinions, etc. F. rejected from the doorway. “There is no longer a free state of thoughts in the state,” Goebbels declared. “There are simply correct thoughts, incorrect thoughts and thoughts that must be eradicated...” (Poljakov L., Wulf J., Das Dritte Reich und seine Denker, V., 1959, S. 15). A wave of aggressive chauvinism, elevated F. to the rank of state. politics and sweeping relatively wide sections of the population is one of the most important and difficult to explain ideological phenomena. climate F. In fascist ideology, the flawed aspects of the national. self-awareness - ethnic. limitations, prejudices, so-called. inferiority complex, etc. – turn into active factors of mass propaganda and politics. “Fascism is ... the unconscious awakening of our deep racial instinct,” argued A. Rocco (see Cohen, op. work, p. 335). Social-psychological structures associated with the lower levels of societies. consciousnesses formed in ethnic conditions. disunity, F. brings ideologies to the surface and formalizes them with the help of racist and “organic” theories. The slogan of the nation ("people - nation", totally organized politically) performed at least three functions: 1) substantiated "class peace" and the integration of society opposed to the "visible enemy", 2) provided psychological. the self-affirmation of that middle layer, which F. turned into the main mass support of the regime, 3) justified the attempt at enslavement, and in a certain way. cases of complete extermination of other peoples. In this policy they found their logical. completion of the F. installation, according to the Crimea, the “benefit” of the state or the people worthy of governing (“Aryans”) is the only one. source of moral judgment and law and order. Freedom and existence of the department. personalities, ethnic groups and other states are of no value and are considered only from the point of view of their “benefit” for this state and its ideology. These guidelines explained, in particular, the common Nazi practice of scrupulously cold calculation of the effectiveness of exterminating people; expenses for cartridges and stoves were carefully compared with income from the labor of the doomed, the sale of valuables, ash, etc. F.'s monstrous crimes against humanity - unleashing a world war, extermination of entire nations, incredibly calculated cruelty towards prisoners and civilians, etc. – were carried out with mass complicity in these rationally planned atrocities. M i l i t a r i z a t i o n of all societies, incl. ideological, relations – characteristic feature fascist regime. F. is born in an atmosphere of tension, needs it and creates this environment, since it contributes to the maintenance of barracks discipline and military command methods of management, justifies total mobilization, requires the renunciation of class and individual interests, self-denial in the name of the fiction of nationalism. integration. Setting up a constant “struggle”, moreover, a struggle with the “visible”, i.e. obvious to the average person, even a personified internal and external enemy (foreign ethnic group, foreign state) has become a way of life in the conditions of F. The most widely used form of ideological. F.’s justification was served by “historical” mythology, which transformed the experience of the past into a justification for the right to rule of the “chosen” race, nation, state. systems. The openly stated goal of fascist historiography was “to reconsider and rewrite the history of mankind” (Rosenberg A., Der Mythus des XX. Jahrhunderts, Munch., 1933, S. 4); this revision boiled down to the fact that the “chosen” nation and race were assigned a leading role in the state. construction, military business, culture, etc. Another point in the “rewriting” of history was the portrayal of the fascist regime as the “final” stage social development ("thousand-year Reich"). Acting as the strangler of the revolutionary. and democratic movements and, above all, communist. movement, F. at the same time widely advertised his ideology as “revolutionary” and “socialist.” The immediate purpose of slogans of this type was to take advantage of anti-capitalist. the mood of the masses, in particular those created by the economic situation. crisis, to eliminate parliamentarism, constitutional. freedoms and individual rights in the name of the rise of the fascist state. Proclaiming himself “revolutionary,” F. sought to use the definition. slogans, tactics receptions and organization forms associated in origin with the worker and will liberate. movement. Fascist “socialism” was opposed to formal, parliamentary, legal. bourgeois system the state is some kind of informal, structureless, based not on the law, but on the “will of the masses, the nation, the people”, the totalitarian mechanism of the “people’s” state, the court, the “Fuhrer”. In definition To the extent that F.'s "socialism" can be assessed as ideological. implementation of Spengler's principle of “universal bureaucracy”: “Socialism, if we consider it from a technical point of view, is the principle of bureaucracy. Ultimately, each worker acquires the status of an official instead of the status of a seller. The same thing happens with the entrepreneur” (Spengler O., Politische Schriften. Preussentum und Sozialismus, M?nch., 1933, S. 4). The crown of the entire system is ideological. and political relations characteristic of F. is the cult of the leader, the bearer of absolute supreme power, endowed with supernatural powers. powers, standing above society, above ordinary consciousness, above law, directly embodying in his person the “spirit of the nation”, “historical destiny”, etc. According to J. Gentile, “the leader expresses in words what remains unexpressed in the depths of the heart of the people” (see Cohen, op. work, p. 382). This “proved” abs. the leader’s correctness and the requirement of abs. trust in him. One of the "commandments" in Italian. soldier, developed by fascist propaganda, read: “10. Mussolini is always right.” According to Göring, Nazis must believe that the leader is infallible in the affairs of the nation, just as Catholics believe in the infallibility of the pope. The myth of the leader personified the doctrine of total ideology and total state, helping to bring it to mass consciousness, in which the desire to place responsibility for one’s destinies on the highest personal authority of the Fuhrer served as a natural consequence of the destruction of the previously existing ideological system. relationships and values. These “requests” of the fascist regime led to the selection and promotion of certain psychological figures to leading roles. type (paranoid mentality, confidence in one’s own infallibility, persecution mania, authoritarian personality, etc.). The inevitable products of such a situation are the personal arbitrariness of the “leader,” which the ruling clique tolerates and considers useful; the leader responds to the hopes of the masses under his influence, thirsting for authority. In the literature about F. the cult is defined. “leader” sometimes serves as a characteristic of the corresponding regime (Hitlerism, Francoism). The superficiality of such points of view, which ignores the social nature of F., is obvious; they fix ch. arr. Personal arbitrariness, typical of F., undoubtedly leaves a deep imprint on almost all aspects of the activities of the fascist regime and gives it the appearance of a personal dictatorship (the dictator acts as a unity, a “personality” in the entire system). F. does not come down to the personal tyranny of the “leader”; it is a complex hierarchical structure. the system of organized mass violence receives its organizational and ideological in the cult of the “leader”. completion. This is one of the important factors in the instability of the fascist regime, since the removal of the leader can lead to discrediting the entire system of F. domination (cf. the fall of F. in Italy in 1943). In terms of its structure and methods of influencing mass consciousness, F.’s ideology can be classified as a definition. system of religious (cult) relations. This is exactly how many of its creators and ideologists viewed F. F., according to Mussolini, is a religious concept in which a person is considered in his internal connection with the higher law and objective will (see “Fascismo”, in the book: Enciclopedia Italiana, v. 14, Mil., 1932). In Germany, A. Rosenberg organized the “German Religious Movement” (Deutsche Religionsbewegung), which proclaimed adherence to the Nazi doctrine and the “Führer” as the highest religious norm. The cult character is ideological. F.'s system was determined not by the statements or aspirations of its preachers, but by such features as the universal mythologism of the doctrine, the canalization of emotions and, more broadly, the subconscious of the masses through an extensive mechanism of ritual actions (symbolic processions, congresses, hymns, etc. - “brown cult"), charismatic. type of leadership. The peculiarity of F. as ideological. system serves as a pronounced political. a cult inherent in more ancient religions (direct sacralization of the power of the leader, social community, opposed to the personalism and cosmopolitanism of Christianity). Associated with this are the inevitable, more or less strongly expressed contradictions between F. and the Christian Church, and sometimes the regime’s well-known caution in proclaiming its ideology (especially in Italy and Spain). The fascist regime is centrally hierarchical. anti-democratic system dictatorship carried out through the apparatus of mass politics. and ideological. coercion and terror. The most important elements of the F. structure are the fascist party - unity. political organization of the regime, subordinating its control or directly absorbing state bodies. management, and wide-ranging mass multimillion-dollar organizations - professional, youth, women's, sports, etc. In Germany, the fascist party (German National Socialist Workers' Party - NSDAP) numbered in the middle. 30s 5 million members. All workers and employees of the country were covered by the organization of the “labor front” (approx. 30 million). All youth from the age of 10 were united by Nazi unions (boys 10–14 years old - in the “Deutsches Jungvolk”, 14–18 years old - in the “Hitler Youth”, girls 10–14 years old - in the “Girls Union”, 14–21 years old - in the German girls' union"), numbering up to 10 million people. The system of women's, charitable, sports, scientific and other unions was designed to exert fascist influence in all spheres of society. life. In Italy there was a similar structure (1943): 4,770 thousand members of the fascist party, 4,500 thousand in labor unions ("dopolavoro"), 1,200 thousand in women's organizations, etc. Another pillar of the fascist regime was a system of specialized bodies of mass terror: assault troops, secret police, informants, censors, secret courts, concentration camps. The fascist party, which was the center, the political link. F.'s mechanism differs from bourgeois-parliamentary parties not only in orientation, but also in the structure of its activities. Subordinating to a strictly centralized ideological and political. control millions of its members, the fascist party makes them practical and moral accomplices in the actions of the ruling clique led by the dictator; At the same time, the influence of the party-organized masses on the leadership of the regime is excluded. In its struggle for power, the fascist party receives the support of certain people. monopoly groups capital and at the same time actively exploits the discontent and unrest of the masses, mainly the middle strata. Having come to power and becoming a monopolist in politics. life of the country, the fascist party, connected by numerous ties with big capital, serves as a means of political control over the entire society and state. It is not “the party that rules” in such a system, but through the party and the mass organizations controlled by it, a narrow clique, united by ambition, fanaticism, suspicion and fear of losing the trust of the dictator, rules the people and the country. This function of the fascist party largely explains its social composition. If, for example, in Hitler's party in 1935 there were 20% independents, owners, 13% officials, 21% employees, 32% workers and 11% peasants, then this in no way speaks of the degree of participation of the corresponding parties. groups in the management of the regime: here you can only see who influenced and through whom F. carried out his policy in Germany. State F.'s mechanism in its highest levels actually and formally merges with the top of the desks. hierarchies, parliamentary (Reichstag in Germany) or monarchical (in Italy) institutions turn into a simple cover for a totalitarian regime. Eliminating representativeness, separation of powers and all open politics. struggle (its only internal form for F. is the endless intrigues within the ruling clique), F. retained and included bureaucratic bureaucratic execution in its system. apparatus, military and police organizations. At the same time, under F. there is a deliberate “ideologization” of the state. cars, the region is declared to be an exponent of the general “national.” spirit, and not anyone's group interests. Having eliminated all other forms of politics. and ideological. organizations in society, F. destroyed the electorate. system, adv. representation, struggle of opinions; under conditions of a monopoly of power, plebiscites organized by the regime (in Germany in 1934–38) turned out to be a means of creating an atmosphere of mass support for F. and his “Führer.” The social structure of the fascist regime is determined by the fact that the system of societies. division of labor, formed in modern times. capitalist stage development, finds complement and completion in the structure of totalitarian politics. and ideological. mechanism. Although they themselves are bourgeois. socio-economic relations do not undergo k.-l. creatures changes (the share of state-monopoly capital in the economy of fascist Germany did not exceed the usual values ​​for modern capitalism), the forms and capabilities of the state changed significantly. and monopolistic control over the economy, especially in times of war. Socio-economic F.'s orientation presupposes not only state-economic, but above all state-ideological. and political regulation of class relations aimed at suppressing the class struggle of workers. For this purpose, coercion was carried out. resolving labor disputes, resolving unemployment, in particular through the mobilization of labor for the construction of military facilities. values, there was a system of benefits for large families, etc. measures that were both economic and ideological. meaning. At the same time, there was an (artificially created and inflated by propaganda) shift in the entire direction of social interests. The idea of ​​immediacy implanted by F. everyone's responsibility to the state. the machine was opposed to the “fiction” of class struggle, allegedly created by hostile forces. F. imposed a system of “cooperation” among workers, entrepreneurs, specialists, gendarmes, etc. as servants of the “interests of the nation.” In Germany, this system was ensured by labor conscription and state party membership. control over enterprises, in Italy - the “corporate” system. By improving the means of exploiting the working class, F. convinced the workers to place above all else their duty to the “nation” (i.e., the fascist regime). Cross. the mass of F. was connected by the state system. duties, representatives of intellectual labor (specialists, artists, etc.) turned into paid and controlled servants of the total state. F. used the intellectual forces of society in an extremely cynical form. Denying any claim of science and intelligence to a leading role, F. needed the services of highly qualified specialists for the military. x-va, propaganda, etc. and knew how to receive such services. Generated by Prussian discipline, direct coercion (research laboratories were created not only in concentration camps, but also in extermination camps for the most effective use scientists sent there forces), handouts and nationalist. frenzy service F. def. parts of science and art. bourgeois elite "mass" society - clear example the far-reaching difference between his certified servants and the ascetic intellectuals and educators of the past. The “Prussian teacher”, who, according to the famous saying of Bismarck, won at Sadovaya, became a careful builder of gas chambers, a qualified lackey of the regime and one of its most important supports (of all social groups, teachers to the greatest extent - 30% - were involved in NSDAP). In various strata of society, F. met more or less intense resistance; underground groups led by communists played a special role. Deep internal F.'s instability as a regime found its most dramatic expression in the fact that the condition for maintaining its dominance was the escalation of military tension and the outbreak of a world war in which the fascist regimes of Germany and its satellites were destroyed. France deprived of militaristic incentives (for example, in Spain) leads to economic stagnation. and political life; Thus, the regime dooms itself to decay and degeneration. The defeat of the fascist states in the Second World War under the blows of the Soviet Army and the Allied forces and the subsequent development of the two systems in the international. arena showed the futility of F. in those forms that developed in the 20-30s. in Italy and Germany, but by no means eliminated fascist tendencies and movements in capitalism. countries. The legacy of Hitlerism is the neo-Nazi movements in Germany and other countries. Communist movement, as indicated in the documents of the International. meetings of Marxist-Leninist parties, considers the fight against the danger of fright as an urgent task, and takes into account the possibility of the emergence of new forms of it. Analysis of F. as social phenomenon represents one of the current problems of sociology and social psychology. The Marxist approach to the problem of F. was developed by the CPSU and world communist. movement after overcoming certain mistakes associated with underestimating the danger of F. as a special form of bourgeois. building. Principled assessment? as a terrorist The dictatorship of bourgeois reaction was set out in the report of G. M. Dimitrov at the 7th Congress of the Comintern, which expressed the orientation of the communist. movement to create a single democratic anti-fascist front. Thus, the prerequisites were created for a correct understanding of the ideology and political structure of F., to clarify the channels of its influence on mass consciousness. Under modern Given the variety of “scattered” forms of f., it becomes especially important to understand the entire complex of social, political, personal and other conditions for the emergence of fascist tendencies; such an analysis is becoming increasingly important for determining the most effective ways to combat? and the unity of all democrats. and progressive forces into a united anti-fascist front. “The struggle against fascist regimes is an essential part of the action against imperialism and for democratic freedoms. General task all democrats, all supporters of freedom, regardless of their political position, worldview and religious beliefs - to increase real support for national progressive forces fighting against such centers of reaction and fascism as the governments of Spain and Portugal, the reactionary junta of colonels in Greece, military-oligarchic cliques in Latin America, against all tyrannical regimes in the service of US imperialism" (International Conference of Communist and Workers' Parties, Docs and Materials, 1969, p. 323). Lit.: Program of the CPSU (Adopted by the XXII Congress of the CPSU), M., 1967, Dimitrov G. M., In the struggle for a united front against fascism and war, ?., 1937, Ulbricht W., On the history of modern times, translated from German, vol. 1, ?., 1957; Results of the Second World War. Sat. Art., trans. from German, ?., 1957; Documents of the meeting of representatives of the communist and workers' parties, ?., 1960; Galkin A. A., Fascism and bourgeois society (Political and social roots of German fascism), M., 1966 (Diss.); his, German fascism, ?., 1967; Zamoshkin Yu. A., Mitrokhin L. N., Social-psychological. roots of anti-communism in the USA, "VF", 1966, No. 10, Burlatsky?. ?., This must not happen again. Sociological notes on ideology?., ?., 1967, Lopukhov B., Fascism and the labor movement in Italy, ?., 1968, Neumann F., Behemoth. The structure and practice of national socialism, Toronto, 1942; Bayle F., Psychologie et ?thique du national-socialisme, ?., 1953, Luk?cs G., Die Zerst?rung der Vernunft, V., 1955, Chaveau H., Les origines du fascisme "Cahiers du communisme", 1958, No. 7; Gamm H.-J., Der braune Kult, Hamb., 1962, ?olte?., Der Faschismus in seiner Epoche, M?nch, 1963, Aquarone A., L´organizzazione dello Stato totalitario, Torino, 1965, Salvemini G ., Le origini del fascismo in Italy, Mil., , Arendt ?., The origins of totalitarianism, ?. ?., 1966, Schoenbaum D., Hitler's social revolution. Class and status in Nazi Germany 1933–1939, N.Y., 1966; Bauer O., Faschismus und Kapitalismus Theorien ?ber die sozialen Urspr?nge und die Funktion des Faschismus, Fr./?., 1967; Theorien ?ber den Faschismus, K?ln–?., 1967; Weiss J., The fascist tradition. Radical right-wing extremism in modern Europe, N.Y.–, 1967; Carsten F. L., The rise of fascism, Berk.–Los. Ang., 1967; ?ibes G., Le fascisme italien. Etat des travaux depuis 1945, "Revue fran?aise de science politique", 1968, No. 6. Yu. Levada. Moscow.

What is Fascism? Meaning and interpretation of the word fashizm, definition of the term

2) Fascism- - a political movement that arose in capitalist countries during the general crisis of capitalism, expressing the interests of the most reactionary and aggressive forces of the imperialist bourgeoisie. The ideology of fascism is leaderism, anti-democracy, anti-communism, extreme nationalism, justification of genocide, the omnipotence of the state machine, noisy demagoguery to obscure the provision of elite privileges. In its formation, fascism is based on the ideology of the petty bourgeoisie. The methods of fascism are brutal dictatorship, the use of extreme forms of violence and mass terror. In conditions of the general crisis of the capitalist mode of production, the global dictatorship of monopoly capital, as well as a number of crises on a global scale (demographic, social, raw materials, environmental, etc.), the possibility of establishing a fascist dictatorship throughout the entire globe becomes real. It can only be stopped by the unification of the working people of all countries with the goal of eventually doing away with capitalism and the commodity mode of production, as having exhausted themselves, and contrasting the ideology of the fascist ideology with the proletarian one.

3) Fascism- - (from Italian fascismo - bundle, bundle, association) - a variant of totalitarian political regime, the peculiarity of which is the desire to establish rigid, hierarchically structured power, preaching unquestioning submission to the authority of the leader, justifying the use of extreme coercive measures to ensure stability and order in the country, introducing a one-party system, relying on the nationalization of all aspects of life and ideological monopoly. The birthplace of fascism is Italy and Germany. It arose in 1919 in Italy; in the 20-30s, fascist parties seized power in Italy and Germany, as well as in other capitalist countries and established an openly terrorist dictatorship in them. Mussolini's party took as a symbol the fasces - bundles of rods with an ax in the middle, tied with a belt - the signs of dignity of the ancient Roman magistrates. The ideology of fascism is anti-democracy and anti-Marxism. All fascist program documents contain the thesis about the ideological and actual bankruptcy of liberalism and socialism. All fascist ideologists - from Mussolini, Hitler to N. Ustryalov - denounced parliamentary democracy. Mussolini declared that the post-war experience marked the defeat of liberalism. The Russian ideologist of fascism N. Ustryalov preached that in Russia and Italy “one can rule in addition to and against any liberal ideology... People are tired of freedom... there are other words that evoke fascination, much more majestic: order, hierarchy, discipline.” Political scientists have made more than one attempt to classify the characteristics that include such a phenomenon as fascism. One way or another, these include: absolutization of power; hatred or hostility towards other nations; reliance not on civil society, but on the authority of the leader, his will, security forces, etc. One of the fruitful attempts of this kind belongs to the Russian scientist V. Yadov. He gave a detailed description fascist system views, identified the main features of this ideology, which are combined with the principles of their practical implementation and are designed to satisfy certain social interests. These include: 1. The unconditional dominance of national interest over any others, i.e. international or universal. 2. Approval of the special mission of a given people (chosen, according to Nietzsche’s philosophy) in creating a fair order either throughout the world, or at least in the zone of “geopolitical interests” of a given people. Hence the principle of dividing the world into spheres of influence, which was an important element of the well-known pact of the fascist “axis” countries. 3. Rejection of the democratic system as a form of government in favor of a strong dictatorial power, which, in the interests of the entire nation, ensures a fair order and guarantees the well-being of all segments of the population, including the poor and disabled (hence “socialism”). 4. Establishment of a special, national code of moral and moral principles, decisive rejection of any universal moral norms. 5. approval of the principle of using force (military force, a repressive regime within the country and in the zone of geopolitical interests of a given nation) to suppress dissent and, even more so, resistance to the established order through practical actions. 6. unbridled demagoguery as a style of propaganda, i.e. appeal to ordinary interests ordinary people and the designation, depending on the situation, of the national enemy (people of a different race, different political views, different religion, etc.). Constantly focusing attention on a specific (or several) dangerous enemy should contribute to the unity of the nation, the establishment of national solidarity, sanctified by this ideology. 7. Finally, the cult of a charismatic leader, a leader, who is endowed with the features of foresight given from above, unconditional devotion to national interests, determination, incorruptibility and a sense of unconditional justice within the framework of the national code of moral principles. The severity of the social problems being experienced gives rise to fascism. If the nation feels disadvantaged, people are depressed by a sense of anxiety due to the encroaching chaos, they do not trust those in power, then there are real socio-psychological prerequisites for fascism and extremism, no matter what they are called.

4) Fascism- - an extremely anti-democratic, radical extremist political movement, gravitating towards the establishment of a terrorist dictatorship.

5) Fascism- (from the Latin “fashio” - bundle, bundle, association) - an ideological and political movement of the right-wing extremist sense, glorifying the totalitarian state, leaderism and the superiority of one nation.

6) Fascism - (Italian fascismo fascio bundle, bundle, association) - a category to designate certain types of totalitarian political movements, parties and regimes that arose shortly after the end of the First World War in European countries, as well as the corresponding ideology. The most important reason for the development of this phenomenon is the global long-term crisis affecting all major social groups of society. F. is an attempt to quickly and relatively effectively overcome the crisis. But the price that society agrees to pay for the solution of its problems by the new fascist elite is so high that it ultimately leads to the decomposition and collapse of society itself. F. is a certain ideology of national mobilization and solidarity, the search for a “place in the sun” for the countries that lost the First World War. This is a set of largely mystical ideologies that organize and structure society in a new way, this is largely mystical statism and state paternalism, these are the extreme known forms of nationalism and racism. This is a mandatory division of any social whole according to the principle of “friend or foe” with the obligatory focus on destroying everything “alien”, cultivating the image of the enemy, xenophobia, racism, militarism. This is an ideology of mythological orientation towards traditional moral values ​​with a tendency towards their actual loss. F. is a mass political movement, and therefore it necessarily generates a specific technological complex for managing mass behavior, the core of which is a huge agitation and propaganda apparatus. What distinguishes F. from other forms of reactionary dictatorships is the presence of relatively broad social support in most social strata, to each of which F. leaders promise certain social benefits. The social base of fascist movements and regimes consists primarily of representatives of the social groups most affected by the crisis, therefore in different countries this base may be relatively different, but it is necessarily the middle and lower strata of the social structure. F. Bauer believes that F. showed the antagonism of the middle classes towards the elite, their “rebellion” against the infringement of their own interests during the period of industrialization. According to S. Lipset, the social base of F. is the extremist part of the middle class. F. creates a special type of totalitarian or authoritarian political culture, a special type of relationships between people in the family, in everyday life, and at work, which is manifested in the practice of the influence of the fascist party on all spheres of public life. The commonality of features inherent in F. as political movement and the regime, does not exclude the implementation of its various forms, such as monarcho-fascism, military-fascist regimes, etc.

7) Fascism- - a system of political ideas, or actual political practice, based on ideas about the intellectual, moral, historical superiority of some races or nations over others.

8) Fascism- Terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary and aggressive bourgeoisie. Fascism destroys democratic rights and freedoms within the country, militarizes the state apparatus, public life, and pursues a policy of unleashing war. The ideology of fascism is racism and chauvinism. The fascist regime was first established in 1922 in Italy; in 1933 the Nazis came to power in Germany; in 1939 - in Spain. The defeat of Hitler's Germany in the Second World War (1939-45) saved the peoples of many countries from fascist slavery and undermined the forces of reaction.

A political movement that arose in capitalist countries during the period of the general crisis of capitalism, expressing the interests of the most reactionary and aggressive forces of the imperialist bourgeoisie. The ideology of fascism is leaderism, anti-democracy, anti-communism, extreme nationalism, justification of genocide, the omnipotence of the state machine, noisy demagoguery to obscure the provision of elite privileges. In its formation, fascism is based on the ideology of the petty bourgeoisie. The methods of fascism are brutal dictatorship, the use of extreme forms of violence and mass terror. In conditions of the general crisis of the capitalist mode of production, the global dictatorship of monopoly capital, as well as a number of crises on a global scale (demographic, social, raw materials, environmental, etc.), the possibility of establishing a fascist dictatorship throughout the entire globe becomes real. It can only be stopped by the unification of the working people of all countries with the goal of eventually doing away with capitalism and the commodity mode of production, as having exhausted themselves, and contrasting the ideology of the fascist ideology with the proletarian one.

- (from Italian fascismo - bundle, bundle, association) - a variant of a totalitarian political regime, the peculiarity of which is the desire to establish rigid, hierarchically structured power, preaching unquestioning submission to the authority of the leader, justifying the use of extreme coercive measures to ensure stability and order in the country, the introduction of a one-party system, a focus on the nationalization of all aspects of life and an ideological monopoly. The birthplace of fascism is Italy and Germany. It arose in 1919 in Italy; in the 20-30s, fascist parties seized power in Italy and Germany, as well as in other capitalist countries and established an openly terrorist dictatorship in them. Mussolini's party took as a symbol the fasces - bundles of rods with an ax in the middle, tied with a belt - the signs of dignity of the ancient Roman magistrates. The ideology of fascism is anti-democracy and anti-Marxism. All fascist program documents contain the thesis about the ideological and actual bankruptcy of liberalism and socialism. All fascist ideologists - from Mussolini, Hitler to N. Ustryalov - denounced parliamentary democracy. Mussolini declared that the post-war experience marked the defeat of liberalism. The Russian ideologist of fascism N. Ustryalov preached that in Russia and Italy “one can rule in addition to and against any liberal ideology... People are tired of freedom... there are other words that evoke fascination, much more majestic: order, hierarchy, discipline.” Political scientists have made more than one attempt to classify the characteristics that include such a phenomenon as fascism. One way or another, these include: absolutization of power; hatred or hostility towards other nations; reliance not on civil society, but on the authority of the leader, his will, security forces, etc. One of the fruitful attempts of this kind belongs to the Russian scientist V. Yadov. He gave a detailed description of the fascist system of views, highlighted the main features of this ideology, which are combined with the principles of their practical implementation and are designed to satisfy certain social interests. These include: 1. The unconditional dominance of national interest over any others, i.e. international or universal. 2. Approval of the special mission of a given people (chosen, according to Nietzsche’s philosophy) in creating a fair order either throughout the world, or at least in the zone of “geopolitical interests” of a given people. Hence the principle of dividing the world into spheres of influence, which was an important element of the well-known pact of the fascist “axis” countries. 3. Rejection of the democratic system as a form of government in favor of a strong dictatorial power, which, in the interests of the entire nation, ensures a fair order and guarantees the well-being of all segments of the population, including the poor and disabled (hence “socialism”). 4. Establishment of a special, national code of moral and moral principles, decisive rejection of any universal moral norms. 5. approval of the principle of using force (military force, a repressive regime within the country and in the zone of geopolitical interests of a given nation) to suppress dissent and, even more so, resistance to the established order through practical actions. 6. unbridled demagoguery as a style of propaganda, i.e. appealing to the everyday interests of ordinary people and designating, depending on the situation, a national enemy (people of a different race, different political views, different religion, etc.). Constantly focusing attention on a specific (or several) dangerous enemy should contribute to the unity of the nation, the establishment of national solidarity, sanctified by this ideology. 7. Finally, the cult of a charismatic leader, a leader, who is endowed with the features of foresight given from above, unconditional devotion to national interests, determination, incorruptibility and a sense of unconditional justice within the framework of the national code of moral principles. The severity of the social problems being experienced gives rise to fascism. If the nation feels disadvantaged, people are depressed by a sense of anxiety due to the encroaching chaos, they do not trust those in power, then there are real socio-psychological prerequisites for fascism and extremism, no matter what they are called.

An extremely anti-democratic, radical extremist political movement, gravitating towards the establishment of a terrorist dictatorship.

(from the Latin "fashio" - bundle, bundle, association) - an ideological and political movement of the right-wing extremist sense, glorifying the totalitarian state, leaderism and the superiority of one nation.

(Italian: fascismo fascio bundle, bundle, association) - a category to designate certain types of totalitarian political movements, parties and regimes that arose shortly after the end of the First World War in European countries, as well as the corresponding ideology. The most important reason for the development of this phenomenon is the global long-term crisis affecting all major social groups of society. F. is an attempt to quickly and relatively effectively overcome the crisis. But the price that society agrees to pay for the solution of its problems by the new fascist elite is so high that it ultimately leads to the decomposition and collapse of society itself. F. is a certain ideology of national mobilization and solidarity, the search for a “place in the sun” for the countries that lost the First World War. This is a set of largely mystical ideologies that organize and structure society in a new way, this is largely mystical statism and state paternalism, these are the extreme known forms of nationalism and racism. This is a mandatory division of any social whole according to the principle of “friend or foe” with the obligatory focus on destroying everything “alien”, cultivating the image of the enemy, xenophobia, racism, militarism. This is an ideology of mythological orientation towards traditional moral values ​​with a tendency towards their actual loss. F. is a mass political movement, and therefore it necessarily generates a specific technological complex for managing mass behavior, the core of which is a huge agitation and propaganda apparatus. What distinguishes F. from other forms of reactionary dictatorships is the presence of relatively broad social support in most social strata, to each of which F. leaders promise certain social benefits. The social base of fascist movements and regimes consists primarily of representatives of the social groups most affected by the crisis, therefore in different countries this base may be relatively different, but it is necessarily the middle and lower strata of the social structure. F. Bauer believes that F. showed the antagonism of the middle classes towards the elite, their “rebellion” against the infringement of their own interests during the period of industrialization. According to S. Lipset, the social base of F. is the extremist part of the middle class. F. creates a special type of totalitarian or authoritarian political culture, a special type of relationships between people in the family, in everyday life, and at work, which is manifested in the practice of the influence of the fascist party on all spheres of public life. The commonality of features inherent in F. as a political movement and regime does not exclude the implementation of its various forms, such as monarcho-fascism, military-fascist regimes, etc.

A system of political ideas, or actual political practice, based on ideas about the intellectual, moral, historical superiority of some races or nations over others.

Terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary and aggressive bourgeoisie. Fascism destroys democratic rights and freedoms within the country, militarizes the state apparatus, public life, and pursues a policy of unleashing war. The ideology of fascism is racism and chauvinism. The fascist regime was first established in 1922 in Italy; in 1933 the Nazis came to power in Germany; in 1939 - in Spain. The defeat of Hitler's Germany in the Second World War (1939-45) saved the peoples of many countries from fascist slavery and undermined the forces of reaction.

You may be interested in knowing the lexical, literal or figurative meaning of these words:

Jurisdiction - 1) The competence of the judiciary to consider civil, criminal...

Our button code.

Fascism is a complex ideology. There are many definitions of fascism: some describe it as a type or set of political actions, others as a political philosophy or mass movement. Most definitions agree that fascism is authoritarian and promotes nationalism at all costs, but its main characteristics are the subject of much debate.

Fascism is usually associated with the German and Italian Nazi regimes that came to power after World War I, although fascist regimes or elements thereof were also present in several other countries. in Germany, in Italy, Francisco Franco in Spain and Juan Peron in Argentina were famous fascist leaders of the 20th century.

Robert Paxton, professor emeritus of the social sciences at Columbia University in New York, is considered the founder of the study of fascism in the United States. He defined this term as “form political behavior characteristic of the 20th century, which, through sophisticated propaganda techniques, arouses in people anti-liberal, anti-socialist, violently dividing, expansionist-nationalist intentions.”

Paxton argues that other definitions rely too much on documents that Mussolini, Hitler and others wrote before they came to power. Once in power, the fascists did not always keep their early promises. As the American Historical Association put it, speaking of fascism in Italy: “The proclaimed goals and principles of the fascist movement were far from being fully realized. They proclaimed almost everything: from extreme radicalism in 1919 to extreme conservatism in 1922.”

Lachlan Montagu, Austrian writer and scholar of fascism, economic history and the interwar years, wrote in Live Science: "Fascism is definitely revolutionary and dynamic." He argues that some definitions of fascism, such as Ze'ev Sternall's description of "a form of extreme nationalism" in Not Right, Not Left, are too broad to be useful.

Although fascism is difficult to define, all fascist movements are characterized by certain core beliefs and actions.

Basic elements of fascism

Fascism implies adherence to certain basic concepts such as nation, national superiority, and a superior race or group. The basic principle that Paxton described as the sole definition of the morality of fascism is to make the nation stronger, more powerful, larger and more successful. Because fascists see national strength as the only thing that makes a nation "worthy", they will use any means necessary to achieve this goal.

Based on this, the fascists seek to use the assets of their country to increase its own strength. This leads to the nationalization of assets. According to Montague, this is where fascism resembles Marxism. “If Marxism was supposed to divide assets in the name of an economic idea in a vast number of countries, then the fascists tried to do the same in one country,” he said.

Guided by the principle of extreme nationalism, fascist regimes tend to perform similar actions, although some of their features differ. Author George Orwell wrote in his essay “What is Fascism?” consistent with Paxton's assertions that these regimes transcend propaganda and use grand gestures such as parades and flamboyant appearances by leaders. Fascists denigrate other groups, despite the fact that these groups differ across countries and times. This is why the German Nazi regime denigrated Jews and others, while the Italian Mussolini regime denigrated the Bolsheviks.

Paxton, the author of several books including "The Anatomy of Fascism," said fascism is based on feelings rather than philosophical ideas. In his 1988 essay "The Five Stages of Fascism," published in 1998 in the Journal of Contemporary History, he identified seven sentiments that act as a "mobilization of passions" for fascist regimes:

  1. Leadership of the group. It seems that maintaining the group is even more important than individual or general rights.
  2. The belief that your group is the victim. This justifies any behavior against the group's enemies.
  3. The belief that individualism and liberalism lead to decline and negatively affect the group.
  4. A strong sense of community or brotherhood. This brotherhood is "unity and purity, strengthened by common conviction, if possible, or exclusive violence, if necessary."
  5. Individual self-esteem is linked to the greatness of the group. Paxton called it "an enhanced sense of identity and belonging."
  6. Extreme support for the “natural” leader, who is always male. This leads to one person taking on the role of national savior.
  7. “The beauty of violence and will when dedicated to the success of a group in a Darwinian struggle,” Paxton wrote.

The idea of ​​a naturally superior group, or, especially in the case of Hitler, biological racism, fits into the fascist interpretation of Darwinism.

Paxton noted that once in power, fascist dictators suppressed individual liberties, imprisoned opponents, banned strikes, provided unlimited police power in the name of national unity and revival, and committed military aggression.

Why is it so difficult to define fascism?

“Perhaps the scariest moment for any expert on fascism is trying to define fascism” - L. Montague.

In 1944, while much of the world was still under the influence of fascist regimes, Orwell wrote that it was very difficult to define fascism. In the essay “What is Fascism?” he explained that much of the trouble lay in the many differences between fascist regimes: “It is not easy, for example, to fit Germany and Japan into the same frame, and even more difficult to do so with some of the small states which are described as fascist.”

Fascism always takes on the individual characteristics of the country in which it is located, which leads to different regimes. For example, Paxton described in The Five Stages of Fascism that “religion would play a greater role in fascism originating in the United States” than in more secular Europe. He also noted that national variants of fascism differ more widely than national variants of, for example, communism or capitalism.

To further complicate matters, non-fascist governments often emulated elements of fascist regimes to give a veneer of strength and national vitality. For example, mass mobilizations of citizens wearing colored shirts do not automatically equate to fascist political practice.

“The predominance of the word in simple spoken language also causes problems of definition. These days, the term 'fascist' has been used as an insult so much that it has diluted the meaning, and especially the evil nature that the word carries,” Montague explains.

Unlike most other political, social or ethical philosophies such as communism, capitalism, conservatism, liberalism or socialism, fascism does not have a specific philosophy. As Paxton wrote: "There was no 'fascist manifesto,' no fundamental fascist thinker."

Setting the stage for fascism

Throughout the history of the 20th century, fascist regimes have raised certain sociocultural and political issues. It is also worth noting that in many countries, such as Great Britain in the 1920s and 1930s, fascist ideas gained popularity without the rise of regime power, and fascist parties became star political players.

First of all, fascist regimes in the 20th century required extreme national crises to gain popularity and power. After defeat in the First World War, many in Germany and Italy were concerned about the culture of their countries. According to Montagu, they were promised national glory and expansion, and therefore felt shame and disappointment after defeat.

European fascist ideas inspired regimes throughout Latin America, including Bolivia and Argentina. “These countries also had a very difficult time during the depression, and the usual middle-class parties operating in parliamentary systems were clearly unsuccessful,” Paxton described. “Argentina was a rich country in 1900, exporting grain and meat, but was forced out from these markets, and Argentina became poorer. It was like losing a war. They turned to a military leader who was popular among the people.”

Spain and Portugal were dictatorships until 1975, but these governments were a mixture of conservative and fascist parties.

Fascism today

Fascism largely fell out of favor in Europe and North America. “It has become a political insult, which has led to the term being overused and diminished,” Paxton says. However, in the last few decades there have been fascist or proto-fascist movements in Europe and North America. “As communism declined after 1989, proto-fascism became the main vehicle for protest voting in Europe,” he writes.

The rise of populism in Europe and the United States in the 2000s led many to worry whether fascism would once again gain a foothold. However, Paxton does not believe that fascism is on the rise in the United States: “I think traditional conservatism prevails in our country. The main social political program is individualism, but not for everyone, but for entrepreneurs. He supports the right of businessmen to achieve maximum profits without rules or control. We have an oligarchy [Defined by the Oxford English Dictionary as "a small group of people in control of a country or organization"] that has learned some clever maneuvers to gain popularity and support through oratory techniques that resemble fascism.

For example, the United States is in significantly better shape than Germany or Italy after the First World War. However, some politicians have convinced many Americans that the situation in the country is close to dire.”